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Ohio Valley Historical Series 



Captivity with the Indians 



Remarkable Occurrences 



1755, '56, '57, '58, and '59 


An Appendix of Illustrative Notes 






WE select this as one of the reprints of our OHIO VALLEY 
HISTORICAL SERIES, believing that in it the Indian 
"Customs, Manners, Traditions, Theological Senti- 
ments, Mode of Warfare, Military Tactics, Discipline, and 
Encampment, Treatment of Prisoners, etc., are better ex- 
plained and more minutely related than has been heretofore 
done," as the author expresses himself in his title page. His 
vivid pictures of the vagrant, precarious lives of the Indians, 
little more than a century ago, in the then unbroken wilder- 
ness which has given place to the prosperous State of Ohio, 
written without any pretense to style or learning, bear every 
impress of truthfulness; and as a faithful record of an eye- 
witness of their condition, habits, etc., it deserves to be per- 
petuated. It has been several times reprinted, with more or 
less accuracy, but all" the editions may now be classed among 
the scarce books. 

James Smith was born in 1737, in Franklin county, Penn- 
sylvania, at that time the backwoods frontier, the extreme 
limit of civilization. As might be expected, he received but 
a limited education in book-learning, but, as befitted a back- 
woods boy, he was well versed in wood-craft, active in the 
hunt, and inured to all the hardships and trials of a frontier 
life. At the age of eighteen, in 1755, he was taken captive by 
the Indians, was adopted into one of their families, and ac- 
companied them in all their wanderings, till his escape in 
1759. He returned to Conococheague early in 1760, and was 
received with great joy by his family and friends. 

He settled himself at his old home in the ordinary routine 

vi Prefatory. 

of pioneer farming, and in May, 1763, married Miss Anne 
Wilson, by whom he had seven children four sons, Jonathan, 
William, James, and Robert ; and three daughters, Jane, Eliz- 
abeth, and Rebecca, His subsequent adventures, as a leader 
of the Blackboys, in 1763 and 1769 ; his service as a lieutenant 
in Bouquet's expedition against the Ohio Indians in 1764; 
his exploring excursion into southern Kentucky in 1766, and 
his services during the Revolutionary war, in which he earned 
and received the rank of colonel, are sufficiently detailed in 
his own narrative. 

After the temporary peace made with the Indians in 1778, 
he removed to Westmoreland county, Pennsylvania, and 
settled on a farm on Jacob's creek. Here his wife died. Of 
her we know little, except that she was a good woman, and a 
devoted wife and mother. In 1785, he spent most of the sum- 
mer in Kentucky, looking after some land claims; there he 
married his second wife, Mrs. Margaret Irvin,* nee Rodgers, 

* The following account is given of Mrs. Irvin in the 
edition of this work, published by Grigg & Elliot, in 1834: 

"She was born in the year 1744, in Hanover county, Virginia. 
She was of a respectable family; her father and the Rev. Dr. Rod- 
gers, of New York, were brothers' children. Her mother was sister 
to the Rev. James Caldwell, who was killed by the British and 
tories at Elizabeth Point, New Jersey. Her father removed, when 
she was a child, to what was then called Lunenburg, now Charlotte 
county, Virginia. She never went to school but three months, and 
that at the age of five years. At the expiration of that term the 
school ceased, and she had no opportunity to attend one afterward. 
Her mother, however, being an intelligent woman, and an excellent 
scholar, gave her lessons at home. On the 5th of November, 1764, 
she was married to Mr. Irvin, a respectable man, though in moderate 
circumstances. In the year 1777, when every true friend of his 
country felt it his duty to render some personal service, he and a 
neighbor, by the name of William Handy, agreed that they would 
enlist for the term of three years, and each to serve eighteen months; 
Irvin to serve the first half, and Handy the second. Mr. Irvin 

Prefatory. vii 

widow of Mr. Abraham Irvin, a woman of cultivated mind, 
with whom he lived happily until her decease in 1800. They 
had no children. She had five by her former marriage. 

Of Mr. Smith's affection for his first wife, the following 
incident bears witness. It w r as communicated to us by Rev. 
J. M. Smith, son of Mr. Smith's youngest son, Robert. 

''My father's earliest recollections related to the habits of 
his father, which he told about as follows: His mother was 
buried on the farm, on a hill at some distance from the house, 
w r here some large oak trees had been left standing to mark 
and shade the family burying ground. Under the shade of 
these trees my grandfather had constructed a kind of booth, 
somewhat after the form of an Indian wigwam, but small in 
size. In this he had made a couch, upon which he would lie 
upon his back and read. To this retreat he was accustomed 
to take his little son, and there to read to him from the Holy 
Scriptures, and point out to him the grave of his mother. 
Their last visit to this hallowed spot made a very deep un- 
entered upon duty, in company with many others from that section 
of the country. When they had marched to Dumfries, Va., before 
they joined the main army, they were ordered to halt and inoculate 
for the small-pox. Irvin neglected to inoculate, under the impression 
he had had the disease during infancy. The consequence was, he 
took the small-pox in the natural way, and died, leaving Mrs. Irvin, 
and five small children, four sons and a daughter. 

In the fall of 1782, Mrs. Irvin removed, in company with a num- 
ber of enterprising Virginians, to the wilds of Kentucky; and three 
years afterward intermarried with Col. Smith, by whom she had 
no issue. She died about the year 1800, in Bourbon county, Ken- 
tucky, in the 56th year of her age. She was a member of the 
Presbyterian church, and sustained through life an unblemished 
reputation. In early life she wrote but little, most of her pro- 
ductions being the fruits of her maturer years, and while she was 
the wife of Col. Smith. But little of her composition has ever been 
put to press; but her genius and taste were always acknowledged 
by those who had access to the productions of her pen. She had a 
happy talent for pastoral poetry, and many fugitive pieces ascribed 
to her will long be cherished and admired by the children of song. 

viii Prefatory. 

pression upon the rnind of my father; he never referred to it 
without tears, even when he was an old man. They were 
about to remove to the State of Kentucky, and all other mat- 
ters having been arranged, he took his little boy and repaired 
to the grave of his wife, which he was soon to leave forever, 
and there the two kneeled, side by side, and the widowed hus- 
band offered up his last prayer on behalf of his orphan child 
over the grave of the departed wife and mother. This done, 
leading his little son by the hand, he followed his family, who 
had already started from their old home to seek a new one 
in the wilds of Kentucky." 

This was in 1788. He took with him, his wife and her chil- 
dren, and of his own children, James, William, Robert, and 
Rebecca, and settled on Cane Ridge, in Bourbon county, Ken- 
tucky, about seven miles from Paris. 

Col. Smith was a man of very quiet and taciturn character, 
a reader and a thinker, and much given to religious reading 
and meditation. In him, however, the courage of opinion was 
fully developed, and when roused, he had more than ordinary 
talent in debate, so that among his new neighbors he soon 
became a man of mark. He was elected the same year a mem- 
ber of the convention which sat at Danville to confer about a 
separation from the State of Virginia, and afterward repre- 
sented Bourbon county in the General Assembly of the State. 

In religious matters Col. Smith was an enthusiast, and for 
some time took an active part in the Stoneite movement, 
which so excited the early church in Kentucky, for an ac- 
count of which we must refer our readers to Davidson's His- 
tory of the Presbyterian Church in Kentucky. He finally, 
however, returned to the Presbyterian church, and receiving 
licensure, or perhaps ordination, he spent much of his time 
in his later years as a missionary among the Indians, for 

Prefatory. ix 

which work his familiarity with Indian character eminently 
fitted him. 

In 1802 he lived with his son James, to whom he had con- 
veyed the copyright and the remaining copies of his work, 
and also twenty acres of land, for which the son had agreed 
"to decently support his father during his lifetime." 

On his return from one of his missionary excursions into 
Tennessee, he found that his son James had during his ab- 
sence joined the Shakers, and had gone with his family to a 
settlement which that sect had just formed on Turtle Creek, 
Ohio (near Lebanon). He followed, "to see what sort of 
people they were," lived with them only a short time, but 
long enough to be disgusted with the whole fraternity. His 
son James, who before joining the Shakers "was naturally 
friendly, a dutiful son, a kind husband and a tender father, ' ' 
seems to have changed his whole nature, and "appeared to 
be divested of natural affection toward his wife Polly and 
other connections." She, on going to visit some relatives 
with her father-in-law, was advertised by her husband as 
having left his "house and board without any just cause;" 
and on her return, at the instigation of the elders, he refused 
to receive her, or allow her to see her children, "without she 
would receive their testimony." Thus driven from the set- 
tlement, and from her husband and children, she returned to 
her friends in Kentucky. Col. Smith was greatly exasper- 
ated at the conduct of his son, and opened his batteries on 
the leaders of the Shakers, exposing them socially, theolog- 
ically, and politically, in a pamphlet entitled 

"REMARKABLE OCCURRENCES lately discovered among the 
People called SHAKERS: of a Treasonable and barbarous na- 
ture; or, SHAKERISM DEVELOPED. By James Smith. Paris 
(Ky.). Printed by Joel R. Lyle." (1810.) pp. 24. 

x Prefatory. 

This brought out a rejoinder by Richard McNemar, one of 
their leaders, and Col. Smith again appeared in print, in a 
pamphlet of 44 pages, entitled 

"SHAKERISM DETECTED; their Erroneous and Treasonable 
Proceedings, and FALSE PUBLICATIONS contained in Different 
Newspapers, Exposed to Public View, by the depositions of 
ten different persons living in various parts of the State of 
Kentucky and Ohio, accompanied with remarks. By Col. 
James Smith, of Kentucky. Paris, Kentucky. Printed by 
Joel R. Lyle. 1810." 

These, however, had no result so far as the son was con- 
cerned; he remained with the Shakers; and Col. Smith spent 
the remainder of his days, thus embittered by the unnatural 
conduct of his son, chiefly with his step-children, the Irvins, 
in Washington county, Kentucky, where he died in 1812. 

The Indians had again become very troublesome in 1811, 
and a general Indian w r ar was expected. Col. Smith, now too 
old for actual service,* but still having considerable of the 
old leaven of patriotism in him, wrote out and published a 
treatise on Indian warfare, of which the following is the title 

' ' A Treatise on the Mode and Manner of Indian War, their 
Tactics, Discipline and Encampment, the various Methods 
they Practise, in order to obtain the Advantage, by Ambush, 
Surprise, Surrounding, &c. Ways and Means proposed to 
Prevent the Indians from obtaining the Advantage. A Chart, 
or Plan of Marching, and Encamping, laid down, whereby 
we may undoubtedly Surround them, if we have Men Suf- 

*He made the attempt, however. In Niles' Register for September 
26, 1812, he is said to have "gone to join the army, when he heard 
of the surrender of Hull." His son Robert raised a company of 
volunteers in Washington county, Ky. He was a tanner, and in 
order to uniform his company he tanned all their pantaloons in 
his vats. 

Prefatory. xi 

" "*~ r ?/ j 

ficient. Also A Bcief Account of Twenty-three Campaigns, 
carried on against the Indians with the Events since the year 
1755; Gov. Harrison's included. By Col. James Smith. Like- 
wise Some Abstracts selected from his Journal, while in 
Captivity with the Indians, relative to the Wars: which was 
published many years ago, but few of them now to be found. 
Paris Kentucky. Printed by Joel R. Lyle. 1812." pp. 1, 59. 

There is not much new matter in this volume. It is little 
more than those portions of his ' ' captivity ' ' relating to Indian 
warfare, rearranged and connected. No one could read it 
without being convinced of the wisdom of the tactics he sug- 
gests and even of their applicability to Indian warfare in 
these latter days. 

We must express our obligations to Miss Sarah M'Quaid, 
of Elizabeth, Pennsylvania, who was brought up in Jonathan 
Smith's family, and Rev. J. M. Smith, of McKeesport, Penn- 
sylvania, for much of the material of this sketch ; and also to 
Rev. Joel K. Lyle, of Lexington, for the use of the two 
Shaker pamphlets; and Mr. S. B. Elliott, of Cincinnati, for 
the pamphlet on Indian warfare. 

Since the narrative was printed we have been favored by 
Mr. Win. M. Darlington of Pittsburgh with the valuable 
Notes printed in the Appendix on the localities, etc., men- 
tioned by Col. Smith. They will be found to be of consider- 
able interest, and add very much to the value of this repub- 
lication. We regret that they were received too late to refer 
to them in the text, but the pages are given with the Notes 
referring back to the Narrative, and the Index will be a ready 
reference to both the text and notes. 






(Now a Citizen of Bourbon County, Kentucky,) 


IN THE YEARS 1755, '56, '57, '58, & '59, 

In which the Customs, Manners, Traditions, Theological Sen- 
timents, Mode of Warfare, Military Tactics, Discipline and 
Encampments, Treatment of Prisoners, &c. are better ex- 
plained, and more minutely related, than has been hereto- 
fore done, by any author on that subject. Together with a 
Description of the Soil, Timber and Waters, where he 
travelled with the Indians, during his captivity. 


A Brief Account of some Very Uncommon Occurrences, which 
transpired after his return from captivity; as well as of 
the Different Campaigns carried on against the Indians to 
the westward of Fort Pitt, since the year 1755, to the pres- 
ent date. 




1WAS strongly urged to publish the following work, 
immediately after my return from captivity, which 
was nearly forty years ago but, as at that time the 
Americans were so little acquainted with Indian af- 
fairs, I apprehended a great part of it would be viewed 
as fable or romance. 

As the Indians never attempted to prevent me ^either 
from reading or writing, I kept a Journal, which I 
revised shortly after my return from captivity, and 
which I have kept ever since : and as I have had but a 
moderate English education, have been advised to 
employ some person of liberal education to transcribe 
and embellish it but believing that nature always out- 
shines art, have thought, that occurrences truly and 
plainly stated, as they happened, would make the best 
history, be better understood, and most entertaining. 

In the different Indian speeches copied into this 
work, I have not only imitated their own style, or mode 
of speaking, but have also preserved the ideas meant 
to be communicated in those speeches In common 
conversation, I have used my own style, but preserved 
their ideas. The principal advantage that I expect will 
result to the public, from the publication of the follow- 
ing sheets, is the observations on tlie Indian mode of 

4 Preface. 

warfare. Experience has taught the Americans the 
necessity of adopting their mode, and the more perfect 
we are in that mode, the better we shall be able to de- 
fend ourselves against them, when defence is necessary. 


Bourbon County, June 1st, 1799. 


IN May 1755, the province of Pennsylvania, agreed 
to send out three hundred men, in order to cut a 
waggon road from Fort London, to join Baddock's 
road, near the Turkey Foot, or three forks of Yoho- 
gania. My brother-in-law, William Smith esq. of 
Conococheague, was appointed commissioner, to have 
the oversight of these road-cutters. 

Though I was at that time only eighteen years of 
age, I had fallen violently in love with a young lady, 
whom I apprehended was possessed of a large share of 
both beauty and virtue ; but being born between Venus 
and Mars, I concluded I must also leave my dear fair 
one, and go out with this company of road-cutters, to 
see the event of this campaign ; but still expecting that 
some time in the course of this summer, I should again 
return to the arms of my beloved. 

We went on with the road, without interruption, 
until near the Allegheny Mountain; when I was sent 
back, in order to hurry up some provision waggons that 
were on the way after us ; I proceeded down the road as 
far as the crossings of Juniata, where, finding the wag- 
gons were coming on as fast as possible, I returned up 
the road again towards the Allegheny Mountain, in 


6 Col. James Smith. 

company with one Arnold Vigoras. About four or 
five miles above Bedford, three Indians had made a 
blind of bushes, stuck in the ground, as though they 
grew naturally, where they concealed themselves, about 
fifteen yards from the road. When we came opposite 
to them, they fired upon us, at this short distance, and 
killed my fellow traveller, yet their bullets did not 
touch me; but my horse making a violent start, threw 
uie, and the Indians immediately ran up, and took me 
prisoner. The one that laid hold on me was a Cana- 
fatauga, the other two were Delawares. One of them 
could speak English, and asked me if there were any 
more white men coming after? I told them not any 
near, that I knew of. Two of these Indians stood by 
me, whilst the other scalped my comrade : they then set 
off and ran at a smart rate, through the woods, for 
about fifteen miles, and that night we slept on the Ale- 
gheny Mountain, without fire. 

The next morning they divided the last of their pro- 
vision which they had brought from Fort DuQuesne, 
and gave me an equal share, which was about two or 
three ounces of mouldy biscuit this and a young 
Ground-Hog, about as large as a Eabbit, roasted, and 
also equally divided, was all the provision we had until 
we came to the Loyal-Hannan, which was about fifty 
miles; and a great part of the way we came through 
exceeding rocky Laurel-thickets, without any path. 
When we came to the West side of Laurel Hill, they 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 7 

gave the scalp halloo, as usual, which is a long yell or 
halloo, for every scalp or prisoner they have in posses- 
sion; the last of these scalp halloos was followed with 
quick and sudden, shrill shouts of joy and triumph. 
On their performing this, we were answered by the fir- 
ing of a number of guns on the Loyal-Hannan, one 
after another, quicker than one could count, by an- 
other party of Indians, who were encamped near where 
Ligoneer now stands. As we advanced near this party, 
they increased with repeated shouts of joy and 
triumph; but I did not share with them in their excess- 
ive mirth. When we came to this camp, we found they 
had plenty of Turkeys and other meat, there; and 
though I never before eat venison without bread or 
salt, yet as I was hungry, it relished very well. There 
we lay that night, and the next morning the whole of 
us marched on our way for Fort DuQuesne. The night 
after we joined another camp of Indians, with nearly 
the same ceremony, attended with great noise, and ap- 
parent joy, among all, except one. The next morning 
we continued our march, and in the afternoon we came 
in full view of the fort, which stood on the point, near 
where Fort Pitt now stands. We then made a halt on 
the bank of the Alegheny, and repeated the scalp 
halloo, which was answered by the firing of all the fire- 
locks in the hands of both Indians and French who were 
in and about the fort, in the aforesaid manner, and also 
the great guns, which were followed by the continued 

8 Col. James Smith. 

shouts and yells of the different savage tribes who 
were then collected there. 

As I was at this time unacquainted with this mode 
of firing and yelling of the savages, I concluded that 
there were thousands of Indians there, ready to receive 
General Braddock; but what added to my surprise, I 
saw numbers running towards me, stripped naked, ex- 
cepting breech-clouts, and painted in the most hideous 
manner, of various colors, though the principal color 
was vermillion, or a bright red ; yet there was annexed 
to this, black, brown, blue, &c. As they approached, 
they formed themselves into two long ranks, about two 
or three rods apart. I was told by an Indian that 
could speak English, that I must run betwixt these 
ranks, and that they would flog me all the way, as I 
ran, and if I ran quick, it would be so much the better, 
as they would quit when I got to the end of the ranks. 
There appeared to be a general rejoicing around me, 
yet I could find nothing like joy in my breast; but I 
started to the race with all the resolution and vigor I 
was capable of exerting, and found that it was as I had 
been told, for I was flogged the whole way. When 
I had got near the end of the lines, I was struck with 
something that appeared to me to be a stick, or the 
handle of a tommahawk, which caused me to fall to the 
ground. On my recovering my senses, I endeavored to 
renew my race; but as I arose, some one cast sand in 
my eyes, which blinded me so, that I could not see 

Remarkable. Occurrences, Etc. 9 

where to run. They continued beating me most intol- 
erably, until I was at length insensible; but before 1 
lost my senses, I remember my wishing them to strike 
the fatal blow, for I thought they intended killing me, 
but apprehended they were too long about it. 

The first thing I remember was my being in the fort, 
amidst the French and Indians, and a French doctor 
standing by me, who had opened a vein in my left arm : 
after which the interpreter asked me how I did, I told 
him I felt much pain; the doctor then washed my 
wounds, and the bruised places of my body, with 
French brandy. As I felt faint, and the brandy smelt 
well, I asked for some inwardly, but the doctor told 
me, by the interpreter, that it did not suit my case. 

When they found I could speak, a number of Indians 
came around me, and examined me with threats of 
cruel death, if I did not tell the truth. The first ques- 
tion they asked me, was, how many men were there in 
the party that were coming from Pennsylvania, to join 
Braddock? I told them the truth, that there were 
three hundred. The next question was, were they well 
armed? I told them they were all well armed, (mean- 
ing the arm of flesh) for they had only about thirty 
guns among the whole of them; which, if the Indians 
had known, they would certainly have gone and cut 
them all off; therefore I. could not in conscience let 
them know the defenceless situation of these road-cut- 
ters. I was then sent to the hospital, and carefully 

10 Col. James Smith. 

attended by the doctors, and recovered quicker than 
what I expected. 

Some time after I was there, I was visited by the 
Delaware Indian already mentioned, who was at the 
taking of me, and could speak some English. Though 
he spoke but bad English, yet I found him to be a man 
of considerable understanding. I asked him if I had 
done any thing that had offended the Indians, which 
caused them to treat me so unmercifully? He said no, 
it was only an old custom the Indians had, and it was 
like how do you do ; after that he said I would be well 
used. I asked him if I should be admitted to remain 
with the French? He said no and told me that as 
soon as I recovered, I must not only go with the In- 
dians, but must be made an Indian myself. I asked 
him what news from Braddock's army? He said the 
Indians spied them every day, and he shewed me by 
making marks on the ground with a stick, that Brad- 
dock's army was advancing in very close order, and 
that the Indians would surround them, take trees, and 
(as he expressed it) shoot urn down all one pigeon. 

Shortly after this, on the 9th day of July 1755, in 
the morning I heard a great stir in the fort. As 1 
could then walk with a staff in my hand, I went out of 
the door which was just by the wall of the fort, and 
stood upon the wall and viewed the Indians in a huddle 
before the gate, where were barrels of powder, bullets, 
flints, &c., and every one taking what suited; I saw 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 11 

the Indians also inarch off in rank intire likewise the 
French Canadians, and some regulars, after viewing 
the Indians and French in different positions, I com- 
puted them to be about four hundred, and wondered 
that they attempted to go out against Braddock with 
so small a party. I was then in high hopes that I would 
soon see them flying before the British troops, and that 
General Braddock would take the fort and rescue me. 

I remained anxious to know the event of this day; 
and in the afternoon I again observed a great noise and 
commotion in the fort, and though at that time I could 
not understand French, yet I found it was the voice of 
Joy and triumph, and feared that they had received 
what I called bad news. 

I had observed some of the old country soldiers 
speak Dutch, as I spoke Dutch I went to one of them 
and asked him what was the news? he told me that a 
runner had just arrived, who said that Braddock would 
certainly be defeated ; that the Indians and French had 
surrounded him, and were concealed behind trees and 
in gullies, and kept a constant fire upon the English, 
and that they saw the English falling in heaps, and if 
they did not take the river which was the only gap, 
and make their escape, there would not be one man left 
alive before sun down. Some time after this I heard 
a number of scalp halloos and saw a company of In- 
dians and French coming in. I observed they had a 
great many bloody scalps, grenadiers' caps, British 

12 Col. James Smith. 

canteens, bayonets, &c., with them. They brought the 
news that Braddock was defeated. After that another 
company came in which appeared to be about one 
hundred, and chiefly Indians, and it seemed to me that 
almost every one of this company was carrying scalps ; 
after this came another company with a number of 
waggon-horses, and also a great many scalps. Those 
that were coming in, and those that had arrived, kept 
a constant firing of small arms, and also the great 
guns in the fort, which were accompanied with the most 
hedeous shouts and yells from all quarters; so that it 
appeared to me as if the infernal regions had broke 

About sun down I beheld a small party coming in 
with about a dozen prisoners, stripped naked, with 
their hands tied behind their backs, and their faces, and 
part of their bodies blacked these prisoners they 
burned to death on the bank of Alegheny Eiver op- 
posite to the fort. I stood on the fort wall until I be- 
held them begin to burn one of these men, they had him 
tied to a stake and kept touching him with fire-brands, 
red-hot irons, etc., and he screeming in a most dole- 
ful manner, the Indians in the mean time yelling like 
infernal spirits. As this scene appeared too shocking 
for me to behold, I retired to my lodging both sore 
and sorry. 

When I came into my lodgings I saw Buffel 's Seven 
Sermons, which they had brought from the field of 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 13 

tattle, which a Frenchman made a present of to me. 
From the best information I could receive there were 
only seven Indians and four French killed in this 
battle, and five hundred British lay dead in the field; 
besides what were killed in the river on their retreat. 

The morning after the battle I saw Braddock's 
artilery brought into the fort, the same day I also saw 
several Indians in British-officers' dress with sash, 
half-moon, laced hats, &a, which the British then wore. 

A few days after this the Indians demanded me and 
I was obliged to go with them. I was not yet well able 
to march, but they took me in a canoe, up the Alegheny 
River to an Indian town that was on the north side 
of the river, about forty miles above Fort DuQuesne. 
Here I remained about three weeks, and was then taken 
to an Indian town on the west branch of Muskingum, 
about twenty miles above the forks, which was called 
Tullihas, inhabited by Delawares, Caughnewagas and 
Mohicans. On our rout betwixt the aforesaid towns, 
the country was chiefly black-oak and white-oak land, 
which appeared generally to be good wheat land, 
chiefly second and third rate, intermixed with some rich 

The day after my arrival at the aforesaid town, a 
number of Indians collected about me, and one of them 
began to pull the hair out of my head. He had some 
ashes on a piece of bark, in which he frequently diped 
his fingers in order to take the firmer hold, and so he 

14 Col. James Smith. 

went on, as if he had been plucking a turkey, until he 
had all the hair clean out of my head, except a small 
spot about three or four inches square on my crown; 
this they cut off with a pair of scissors, excepting three 
locks, which they dressed up in their own mode. Two 
of these they wraped round with a narrow beaded 
garter made by themselves for that purpose, and the 
other they platted at full length, and then stuck it full 
of silver broches. After this they bored my nose and 
ears, and fixed me off with ear rings and nose jewels, 
then they ordered me to strip off my clothes and put on 
a breech-clout, which I did ; then they painted my head, 
face and body in various colors. They put a large belt 
of wampom on my neck, and silver bands on my hands 
and right arm; and so an old chief led me out in the 
street and gave the alarm hallo, coo-wigh, several 
times repeated quick, and on this all that were in the 
town came running and stood round the old chief, who 
held me by the hand in the midst. As I at that time 
knew nothing of their mode of adoption, and had seen 
them put to death all they had taken, and as I never 
could find that they saved a man alive at Braddock's 
defeat, I made no doubt but they were about putting me 
to death in some cruel manner. The old chief holding 
me by the hand made a long speech very loud, and 
when he had done he handed me to three young squaws, 
who led me by the hand down the bank into the river 
until the water was up to our middle. The squaws 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 15> 

then made signs to me to plunge myself into the water, 
but I did not understand them; I thought that the 
result of the council was that I should be drowned, and 
that these young ladies were to be the executioners. 
They all three laid violent hold of me, and I for some 
time opposed them with all my might, which occasioned 
loud laughter by the multitude that were on the bank 
of the river. At length one of the squaws made out 
to speak a little English (for I believe they began to be 
afraid of me) and said, no hurt you; on this I gave 
myself up to their ladyships, who were as good as their 
word; for though they plunged me under water, and 
washed and rubbed me severely, yet I could not say 
they hurt me much. 

These young women then led me up to the council 
house, where some of the tribe were ready with new 
cloths for me. They gave me a new ruffled shirt, which 
I put on, also a pair of leggins done off with ribbons- 
and beads, likewise a pair of mockasons, and garters 
dressed with beads, Porcupine-quills, and red hair- 
also a tinsel laced cappo. They again painted my head 
and face with various colors, and tied a bunch of red 
feathers to one of these locks they had left on the 
crown of my head, which stood up five or six inches. 
They seated me on a bear skin, and gave me a pipe> 
tomahawk, and polecat skin pouch, which had been 
skined pocket fashion, and contained tobacco, killegen- 
ico, or dry sumach leaves, which they mix with their 

16 Col. James Smith. 

tobacco, also spunk, flint and steel. When I was thus 
seated, the Indians came in dressed and painted in 
their grandest manner. As they came in they took 
their seats and for a considerable time there was a pro- 
found silence, every one was smoking, but not a word 
was spoken among them. At length one of the chiefs 
made a speech which was delivered to me by an in- 
terperter, and was as followeth: "My son, you are 
now flesh of our flesh, and bone of our bone. By the 
ceremony which was performed this day, every drop 
of white blood was washed out of your veins ; you are 
taken into the Caughnewago nation, and initiated into 
a warlike tribe; you are adopted into a great family, 
and now received with great seriousness and solemnity 
in the room and place of a great man ; after what has 
passed this day, you are now one of us by an old strong 
law and custom My son, you have now nothing to 
fear, we are now under the same obligations to love, 
support and defend you, that we are to love and de- 
fend one another, therefore you are to consider your- 
self as one of our people." At this time I did not be- 
lieve this fine speech, especially that of the white blood 
being washed out of me; but since that time I have 
found that there was much sincerity in said speech, 
for from that day I never knew them to make any dis- 
tinction between me and themselves in any respect 
whatever until I left them. If they had plenty of 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 17 

cloa thing I had plenty, if we were scarce we all shared 
one fate. 

After this ceremony was over, I was introduced to 
my new kin, and told that I was to attend a feast that 
-evening, which I did. And as the custom was, they 
gave me also a bowl and wooden spoon, which I carried 
with me to the place, where there was a number of 
large brass kettles full of boiled venison and green 
corn ; every one advanced with his bowl and spoon and 
had his share given him. After this, one of the chiefs 
made a short speech, and then we began to eat. 

The name of one of the chiefs in its town was Tec- 
anyaterighto, alias Pluggy, and the other Asallecoa 
alias Mohawk Solomon. As Pluggy and his party 
were to start the next day to war, to the frontiers of 
Virginia, the next thing to be performed was the war 
dance, and their war songs. At their war dance they 
had both vocal and instrumental music. They had a 
short holow gum close in one end, with water in it, and 
parchment stretched over the open end thereof, which 
they beat with one stick, and made a sound nearly like 
a muffled drum; all those who were going on this ex- 
pedition collected together and formed. An old Indian 
then began to sing and timed the music by beating on 
this drum, as the ancients formerly timed their music 
"by beating the tabor. On this the warriors began to ad- 
vance, or move forward in concert, like well disciplined 
troops would march to the fife and drum. Each war- 

18 Col. James Smith. 

rior had a tomahawk, spear or war-mallet in his hand, 
and they all moved regularly towards the east, or the 
way they intended to go to war. At length they all 
stretched their tomahawks towards the Potomack, and 
giving a hideous shout or yell, they wheeled quick 
about, and danced in the same manner back. The next 
was the war song. In performing this, only one sung 
at a time, in a moving posture, with a tomahawk in his 
hand, while all the other warriors were engaged in call- 
ing aloud he-uh, he-uh, which they constantly repeated,, 
while the war song was going on. When the warior 
that was singing had ended his song, he struck a war 
post with his tomahawk, and with a loud voice told 
what warlike exploits he had done, and what he now 
intended to do, which was answered by the other wari- 
ors, with loud shouts of applause. Some who had not 
before intended to go to war, at this time were so ani- 
mated by this performance that they took up the toma- 
hawk and sung the war song, which was answered with 
shouts of joy, as they were then initiated into the pres- 
ent marching company. The next morning this com- 
pany all collected at one place, with their heads and 
faces painted with various colors, and packs upon their 
backs; they marched off all silent, except the com- 
mander, who, in the front sang the travelling song,, 
which began in this manner : hoo caughtainte heegana. 
Just as the rear passed the end of the town, they began 
to fire in their slow manner, from the front to the rear,. 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 19 

which was accompanied with shouts and yells from all 

This evening I was invited to another sort of dance, 
which was a kind of promiscuous dance. The young 
men stood in one rank, and the young women in 
another, about one rod apart, facing each other. The 
one that raised the tune, or started the song, held a 
small gourd or dry shell of a squash, in his hand, 
which contained beads or small stones, which rattled. 
When he began to sing, he timed the tune with his rat- 
tle; both men and women danced and sung together, 
advancing towards each other, stooping until their 
heads would be touching together, and then ceased 
from dancing, with loud shouts, and retreated and 
formed again, and so repeated the same thing over and 
over, for three or four hours, without intermission. 
This exercise appeared to me at first irrational and in- 
sipid; but I found that in singing their tunes, they 
used ya ne no hoo wa ne &c., like our fa fol la, and 
though they have no such thing as jingling verse, yet 
they can intermix sentences with their notes, and say 
what they please to each other, and carry on the tune 
in concert. I found that this was a kind of wooing or 
courting dance, and as they advanced stooping with 
their heads together, they could say what they pleased 
in each other's ear, without disconcerting their rough 
music, and the others, or those near, not hear what they 

20 Col. James Smith. 

Shortly after this I went out to hunt, in company 
with Mohawk Solomon, some of the Cauglinewagas and 
a Delaware Indian that was married to a Caughnewaga 
squaw. We travelled about south, from this town, and 
the first night we killed nothing, but we had with us 
green corn, which we roasted and ate that night. The 
next day we encamped about twelve o'clock, and the 
hunters turned out to hunt, and I went down the run 
that we encamped on, in company with some squaws 
and boys, to hunt plumbs, which we found in great 
plenty. On my return to camp I observed a large piece 
of fat meat : the Delaware Indian that could talk some 
English, observed me looking earnestly at this meat, 
and asked me what meat you think that is? I said I 
supposed it was bear meat; he laughed and said, ho, 
all one fool you, beal now elly pool, and pointing to the 
other side of the camp, he said look at that skin, you 
think that beal skin? I went and lifted the skin, which 
appeared like an ox hide : he then said, what skin you 
think that? I replied that I thought it was a buffaloe 
hide; he laughed and said you fool again, you know 
nothing, you think buff aloe that colo? I acknowledged 
I did not know much about these things, and told him I 
never saw a buff aloe, and that I had not heard what 
color they were. He replied by and by you shall set 
gleat many buffaloe; He now go to gleat lick. That 
skin no buff aloe skin, that skin buck-elk skin. They 
went out with horses, and brought in the remainder of 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 21 

this buck-elk which was the fattest creature I ever 
saw of the tallow kind. 

We remained at this camp about eight or ten days, 
and killed a number of deer. Though we had neither 
bread or salt at this time, yet we had both roast and 
boiled meat in great plenty, and they were frequently 
inviting me to eat, when I had no appetite. 

We then moved to the buffaloe lick, where we killed 
several buffaloe, and in their small brass kettles they 
made about half a bushel of salt. I suppose this lick 
was about thirty or forty miles from the aforesaid 
town, and somewhere between the Muskingum, Ohio 
and Sciota. About the lick was clear, open woods, and 
thin white-oak land, and at that time there were large 
roads leading to the lick, like waggon roads. We 
moved from this lick about six or seven miles, and 
encamped on a creek. 

Though the Indians had given me a gun, I had not 
yet been admitted to go out from the camp to hunt. At 
this place Mohawk Solomon asked me to go out with 
him to hunt, which I readily agreed to. After some 
time we came upon some fresh buffaloe tracks. I had 
observed before this that the Indians were upon their 
guard, and afraid of an enemy ; for, until now they and 
the southern nations had been at war. As we were fol- 
lowing the buffalo tracks, Solomon seemed to be upon 
his guard, went very slow, and would frequently stand 
and listen, and appeared to be in suspense. We came 

22 Col. James Smith. 

to where the tracks were very plain in the sand, and I 
said it is surely buffaloe tracks ; he said hush, you know 
nothing, may be buffaloe tracks, may be Catawba. He 
went very cautious until we found some fresh buffaloe 
dung: he then smiled and said Catawba can not make 
so. He then stopped and told me an odd story about 
the Catawbas. He said that formerly the Catawbas 
came near one of their hunting camps, and at some 
distance from the camp lay in ambush, and in order to 
decoy them out, sent two or three Catawbas in the 
night, past their camp, with buffaloe hoofs fixed on 
their feet, so as to make artificial tracks. In the morn- 
ing those in the camp followed after these tracks, 
thinking they were Buffaloe, until they were fired on by 
the Catawbas, and several of them killed; the others 
fled, collected a party and pursued the Catawbas ; but 
they, in their subtilty brought with them rattle-snake 
poison, which they had collected from the bladder that 
lieth at the root of the snakes' teeth; this they had 
corked up in a short piece of cane-stalk; they had also 
brought with them small cane or reed, about the size 
of a rye straw, which they made sharp at the end like 
a pen, and dipped them in this poison, and stuck them 
in the ground among the grass, along their own tracks, 
in such a position that they might stick into the legs of 
the pursuers, which answered the design; and as the 
Catawbas had runners behind to watch the motions of 
the pursuers, when they found that a number of them 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 23 

were lame, being artificially snake bit, and that they 
were all turning back, the Catawbas turned upon the 
pursuers, and defeated them, and killed and scalped all 
those that were lame. When Solomon had finished this 
story, and found that I understood him, concluded by 
saying, you don't know, Catawba velly bad Indian, 
Catawba all one Devil Catawba. 

Some time after this, I was told to take the dogs 
with me and go down the creek, perhaps I might kill a 
turkey; it being in the afternoon, I was also told not 
to go far from the creek, and to come up the creek 
again to the camp, and to take care not to get lost. 
When I had gone some distance down the creek I came 
upon fresh buffaloe tracks, and as I had a number of 
dogs with me to stop the buffaloe, I concluded I would 
follow after and kill one; and as the grass and weeds 
were rank, I could readily follow the track. A little 
before sundown, I despaired of coming up with them : 1 
was then thinking how I might get to camp before 
night; I concluded as the buffaloe had made several 
turns, if I took the track back to the creek, it would be 
dark before I could get to camp ; therefore I thought I 
would take a near way through the hills, and strike 
the creek a little below the camp ; but as it was cloudy 
weather, and I a very young woodsman, I could find 
neither creek or camp. When night came on I fired 
my gun several times, and hallooed, but could have no 
answer. The next morning early, the Indians were out 

24 Col. James Smith. 

after me, and as I had with me ten or a dozen dogs, and 
the grass and weeds rank, they could readily follow my 
track. When they came up with me, they appeared to 
be in a very good humor. I asked Solomon if he 
thought I was running away, he said no no, you go too- 
much clooked. On my return to camp they took my 
gun from me, and for this rash step I was reduced to a 
bow and arrows, for near two years. We were out on 
this tour about six weeks. 

This country is generally hilly, though intermixed 
with considerable quantities of rich upland, and some- 
good bottoms. 

When we returned to the town, Pluggy and his party 
had arrived, and brought with them a considerable 
number of scalps and prisoners from the South Branch 
of Potomack: they also brought with them an English 
Bible, which they gave to a Dutch woman who was a 
prisoner ; but as she could not read English, she made 
a present of it to me, which was very acceptable. 

I remained in this town until some time in October^ 
when my adopted brother, called Tontileaugo, who had 
married a Wiandot squaw, took me with him to Lake 
Erie. We proceeded up the west branch of Muskin- 
gum, and for some distance up the river the land was 
hilly but intermixed with large bodies of tolerable rich 
upland, and excellent bottoms. We proceeded on, to 
the head waters of the west branch of Muskingum. On 
the head waters of this branch, and from thence to the 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 25 

waters of Canesadooharie, there is a large body of rich, 
well lying land the timber is ash, walnut, sugar-tree, 
buckeye, honey-locust and pherry, intermixed with 
some oak, hickory, &c, This tour was at the time that 
the black-haws were ripe, and we were seldom out of 
sight of them : they were common here both in the bot- 
toms and upland. 

On this route we had no horses with us, and when 
we started from the town, all the pack I carried was a 
pouch, containing my books, a little dried venison, and 
my blanket. I had then no gun, but Tontileaugo who 
was a first rate hunter, carried a rifle gun, and every 
day killed deer, racoons or bears. We left the meat, 
excepting a little for present use, and carried the skins 
with us until we encamped, and then stretched them 
with elm bark, in a frame made with poles stuck in the 
ground and tied together with lynn or elm bark; and 
when the skins were dried by the fire, we packed them 
up, and carried them with us the next day. 

As Tontileaugo could not speak English, I had to 
make use of all the Caughnewaga I had learned even to 
talk very imperfectly with him : but I found I learned 
to talk Indian faster this way, than when I had those 
with me who could speak English. 

As we proceeded down the Canesadooharie waters, 
our packs encreased by the skins that were daily killed, 
and became so very heavy that we could not march 
more than eight or ten miles per day. We came to 

26 Col. James Smith. 

Lake Erie about six miles west of the mouth of Canesa- 
dooharie. As the wind was very high the evening we 
came to the Lake, I was surprised to hear the roaring 
of the water, and see the high waves that dashed 
against the shore, like the Ocean. We encamped on a 
run near the lake; and as the wind fell that night, the 
next morning the lake was only in a moderate motion, 
and we marched on the sand along the side of the water, 
frequently resting ourselves, as we were heavy laden. 
I saw on the strand a number of large fish, that had 
been left in flat or hollow places ; as the wind fell and 
the waves abated, they were left without water, or only 
a small quantity; and numbers of Bald and Grey 
Eagles, &c. were along the shore devouring them. 

Some time in the afternoon we came to a large camp 
of Wiandots, at the mouth of Canesadooharie, where 
Tontileaugo's wife was. Here we were kindly re- 
ceived : they gave us a kind of rough, brown potatoes, 
which grew spontaneously and is called by the 
Caughnewagas ohnenata. These potatoes peeled and 
dipped in racoon's fat, taste nearly like our sweet- 
potatoes. They also gave us what they call canelieanta, 
which is a kind of hominy, made of green corn, dried, 
and beans mixed together. 

From the head waters of Canesadooharie to this 

place, the land is generally good; chiefly first or second 
rate, and, comparatively, little or no third rate. The 
only refuse is some swamps, that appear to be too wet 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 27 

for use, yet I apprehend that a number of them, if 
drained, would make excellent meadows. The timber is 
black-oak, walnut, hickory, cherry, black-ash, white- 
ash, water-ash, buckeye, black-locust, honey-locust, 
sugar- tree, and elm: there is also some land, though, 
comparatively, but small, where the timber is chiefly 
white-oak or beach this may be called third rate. In 
the bottoms, and also many places in the upland, there 
is a large quantity of wild apple, plumb, and red and 
black-haw trees. It appeared to be well watered, and 
a plenty of meadow ground, intermixed with upland, 
but no large prairies or glades, that I saw, or heard of. 
In this route, deer, bear, turkeys, and racoons, ap- 
peared plenty, but no buff aloe, and very little sign of 

We continued our camp at the mouth of Canesadoo- 
harie for some time, where we killed some deer, and a 
great many racoons ; the racoons here were remarkably 
large and fat. At length we all embarked in a large 
birch bark canoe. This vessel was about four feet wide, 
and three feet deep, and about five and thirty feet long : 
and tho it could carry a heavy burden, it was so artfully 
and curiously constructed that four men could cary it 
several miles, or from one landing place to another, or 
from the waters of the Lake to the waters of the Ohio. 
-We proceeded up Canesadooharie a few miles and 
went on shore to hunt; but to my great surprise they 
carried the vessel that we all came in up the bank, and 

28 Col. James Smith. 

inverted it or turned the bottom up, and converted it to 
a dwelling house, and kindled a fire before us to warm 
ourselves by and cook. With our baggage and ourselves 
in this house we were very much crouded, yet our little 
house turned off the rain very well. 

We kept moving and hunting up this river until we 
came to the falls; here we remained some weeks, and 
killed a number of deer, several bears, and a great many 
racoons. From the mouth of this river to the falls is 
about five and twenty miles. On our passage up I was 
not much out from the river, but what I saw was good 
land, and not hilly. 

About the falls is thin chesnut land, which is almost 
the only chesnut timber I ever saw in this country. 

While we remained here, I left my pouch with my 
books in camp, wrapt up in my blanket, and went out 
to hunt chesnuts. On my return to camp my books 
were missing. I enquired after them, and asked the 
Indians if they knew where they were; they told me 
that they supposed the puppies had carried them off. 1 
did not believe them ; but thought they were displeased 
at my poring over my books, and concluded that they 
had destroyed them, or put them out of my way. 
After this I was again out after nuts, and on my 
return beheld a new erection, which were two white oak 
saplings, that were forked about twelve feet high, and 
stood about fifteen feet apart. They had cut these sap- 
lings at the forks and laid a strong pole across which 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 29 

appeared in the form of a gallows, and the posts they 
had shaved very smooth and painted in places with ver- 
milion. I could not conceive the use of this piece ot 
work, and at length concluded it was a gallows, 1 
thought that I had displeased them by reading my 
books, and that they were about puting me to death. 
The next morning I observed them bringing their skins 
all to this place and hanging them over this pole, so as 
to preserve them from being injured by the weather, 
this removed my fears. They also buried their large 
canoe in the ground, which is the way they took to pre- 
serve this sort of a canoe in the winter season. 

As we had at this time no horses, every one got a 
pack on his back, and we steered an east course about 
twelve miles, and encamped. The next morning we 
proceeded on the same course about ten miles to a large 
creek that empties into Lake Erie betwixt Canesadoo- 
harie, and Cayahaga. Here they made their winter 
cabbin, in the following form. They cut logs about 
fifteen feet long, and laid these logs upon each other, 
and drove posts in the ground at each end to keep 
them together; the posts they tied together at the top 
with bark, and by this means raised a wall fifteen feet 
long, and about four feet high, and in the same manner 
they raised another wall opposite to this, at about 
twelve feet distance; then they drove forks in the 
ground in the centre of each end, and laid a strong pole 
from end to end on these forks; and from these walls 

30 Col. James Smith. 

to the poles, they set up poles instead of rafters, and on 
these they tied small poles in place of laths ; and a cover 
was made of lynn bark which will run even in the 
winter season. 

As every tree will not run, they examine the tree first, 
by trying it near the ground, and when they find it will 
do, they fall the tree and raise the bark with the toma- 
hawk, near the top of the tree about five or six inches 
broad, then put the tomahawk handle under this bark, 
and pull it along down to the butt of the tree; so that 
some times one piece of bark will be thirty feet long; 
this bark they cut at suitable lengths in order to cover 
the hut. 

At the end of these walls they set up split timber, so 
that they had timber all round, excepting a door at 
each end. At the top, in place of a chimney, they left 
an open place, and for bedding they laid down the 
aforesaid kind of bark, on which they spread bear skins. 
From end to end of this hut along the middle there 
were fires, which the squaws made of dry split wood, 
and the holes or open places that appeared, the squaws 
stopped with moss, which they collected from old logs ; 
and at the door they hung a bear skin; and notwith- 
standing the winters are hard here, our lodging was 
much better than what I expected. 

It was some time in December when we finished this 
winter cabin; but when we had got into this compara- 
tively fine lodging, another difficulty arose, we had 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 31 

nothing to eat. While I was travelling with Tontil- 
eaugo, as was before mentioned, and had plenty of fat 
venison, bears meat and racoons, I then thought it 
was hard living without bread or Salt ; but now I began 
to conclude that if I had anything that would banish 
pinching hunger, and keep soul and body together I 
would be content. 

While the hunters were all out, exerting themselves 
to the utmost of their ability, the squaws and boys (in 
which class I was) were scattered out in the bottoms, 
hunting red-haws, black-haws and hickory-nuts. As it 
was too late in the year, we did not succeed in gather- 
ing haws, but we had tolerable success in scratching up 
hickory-nuts from under a light snow, which we carried 
with us lest the hunters should not succeed. After our 
return the hunters came in, who had killed only two 
small turkeys, which were but little among eight hun- 
ters and thirteen squaws, boys and children; but they 
were divided with the greatest equity and justice 
every one got their equal share. 

The next day the hunters turned out again, and killed 
one deer and three bears. 

One of the bears was very large and remarkably fat. 
The hunters carried in meat sufficient to give us all a 
hearty supper and breakfast. 

The squaws and all that could carry turned out to 
bring in meat, every one had their share assigned them, 
and my load was among the least; yet, not being accus- 

32 Col. James Smith. 

tomed to carrying in this way, I got exceeding weary, 
and told them that my load was too heavy, I must 
leave part of it and come for it again. They made a 
halt and only laughted at me, and took part of my load 
and added it to a young squaw's, who had as much 
before as I carried. 

This kind of reproof had a great tendency to excite 
me to exert myself in carrying without complaining, 
than if they had whipped me for laziness. After this 
the hunters held a council and concluded that they must 
have horses to carry their loads ; and that they would 
go to war even in this inclement season, in order to 
bring in horses. 

Tontileaugo wished to be one of those who should 
go to war; but the votes went against him, as he was 
one of our best hunters; it was thought necessary to 
leave him at this winter camp to provide for the 
squaws and children; it was agreed upon that Tonti- 
leaugo and three others should stay and hunt, and the 
other four go to war. 

They then began to go through their common cere- 
mony. They sung their war songs, danced their war 
dances &c. And when they were equipped they went 
off singing their marching songs and firing their guns. 
Our camp appeared to be rejoicing; but I was grieved 
to think that some innocent persons would be mur- 
dered not thinking of danger. 

After the departure of these warriors we had hard 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 33 

times, and tho we were not altogether out of provisions 
we were brought to short allowance. At length Tonti- 
leaugo had considerable success; and we had meat 
brought into camp sufficient to last ten days. Tonti- 
leaugo then took me with him in order to encamp some 
distance from this winter cabbin, to try his luck there. 
We carried no provision with us, he said we would 
leave what was there for the squaws and children, and 
that we could shift for ourselves. We steered about a 
south course up the waters of this creek, and encamped 
about ten or twelve miles from the winter cabbin. As 
it was still cold weather and a crust upon the snow, 
which made a noise as we walked and alarmed the deer, 
we could kill nothing, and consequently went to sleep 
without supper. The only chance we had under these 
circumstances, was to hunt bear holes; as the bears 
about Christmas search out a winter lodging place, 
where they lie about three or four months without 
eating or drinking. This may appear to some incred- 
ible ; but it is now well known to be the case, by those 
who live in the remote western parts of North America. 
The next morning early we proceeded on, and when 
we found a tree scratched by the bears climbing up, 
and the hole in the tree sufficiently large for the re- 
ception of the bear ; we then fell a sapling or small tree 
against or near the hole; and it was my business to 
climb up and drive out the bear, while Tontileaugo 
stood ready with his gun and bow. We went on in this 


34 Col. James Smith. 

manner until evening, without success; at length we 
found a large elm scratched, and a hole in it about forty 
feet up ; but no tree nigh suitable to lodge against the 
hole. Tontileaugo got a long pole and some dry rotten 
wood which he tied in bunches, with bark, and as there 
was a tree that grew near the elm, and extended up 
near the hole; but leaned the wrong way; so that we 
could not lodge it to advantage ; but to remedy this in- 
convenience, he climed up this tree and carried with 
him his rotten wood, fire and pole. The rotten wood 
he tied to his belt, and to one end of the pole he tied 
a hook, and a piece of rotten wood which he set fire to, 
as it would retain fire almost like spunk; and reached 
this hook from limb to limb as he went up ; when he 
got up, with this pole he put dry wood on fire into the 
hole, after he put in the fire he heard the bear snuff 
and he came speedily down, took his gun in his hand 
and waited until the bear would come out; but it was 
some time before it appeared, and when it did appear 
he attempted taking sight with his rifle, but it being 
then too dark to see the sights, he set it down by a tree, 
and instantly bent his bow, took hold of an arrow, and 
shot the bear a little behind the shoulder; I was pre- 
paring also to shoot an arrow, but he called to me to 
stop, there was no occasion ; and with that the bear fell 
to the ground. 

Being very hungry we kindled a fire, opened the 
bear, took out the liver, and wrapped some of the caul 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 35 

fat around and put it on a wooden spit which we stuck 
in the ground by the fire to roast, we then skinned the 
bear, got on our kettle, and had both roast and boiled, 
and also sauce to our meat, which appeared to me to be 
delicate fare. After I was fully satisfied I went to 
sleep, Tontileaugo awoke me, saying, come eat hearty, 
we have got meat plenty now. 

The next morning we cut down a lynn tree, peeled 
bark and made a snug little shelter, facing the south 
east, with a large log betwixt us and the north west ; we 
made a good fire before us, and scaffolded up our meat 
at one side. When we had finished our camp we went 
out to hunt, searched two trees for bears, but to no 
purpose. As the snow thawed a little in the afternoon 
Tontileaugo killed a deer, which we carried with us 
to camp. 

The next day we turned out to hunt, and near the 
camp we found a tree well scratched ; but the hole was 
above forty feet high, and no tree that we could lodge 
against the hole; but finding that it was very hollow, 
we concluded that we would cut down the tree with our 
tomahawks, which kept us working a considerable part 
of the day. When the tree fell we ran up, Tontileaugo 
with his gun and bow, and I with my bow ready bent. 
Tontileaugo shot the bear through with his rifle, a little 
behind the shoulders, I also shot, but too far back; and 
not being then much accustomed to the business, my 
arrow penetrated only a few inches thro the skhu 

36 Col. James Smith. 

Having killed an old she bear and three cubs, we 
hawled her on the snow to the camp, and only had time 
afterwards, to get wood, make a fire, cook &c. before 

Early the next morning we went to business, 
searched several trees, but found no bears. On our 
way home we took three racoons out of a hollow elm, 
not far from the ground. 

We remained here about two weeks, and in this time 
killed four bears, three deer, several turkeys, and a 
number of racoons. We packed up as much meat as 
we could carry, and returned to our winter cabin. On 
our arrival, there was great joy, as they were all in a 
starving condition, the three hunters that we had left 
having killed but very little. All that could carry a 
pack repaired to our camp to bring in meat. 

Some time in February the four warriors returned, 
who had taken two scalps, and six horses from the 
frontiers, of Pennsylvania. The hunters could then 
scatter out a considerable distance from the winter 
cabin, and encamp, kill meat and pack it in upon horses ; 
so that we commonly after this had plenty of provision. 

In this month we began to make sugar. As some of 
the elm bark will strip at this season, the squaws after 
finding a tree that would do, cut it down, and with a 
crooked stick broad and sharp at the end, took the bark 
off the tree, and of this bark, made vessels in a curious 
manner, that would hold about two gallons each : they 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 37 

made above one hundred of these kind of vessels. In 
the sugar-tree they cut a notch, slooping down, and at 
the end of the notch, stuck in a tomahawk; in the place 
where they stuck the tomahawk, they drove a long chip, 
in order to carry the water out from the tree, and under 
this they set their vessel, to receive it. As sugar trees 
were plenty and large here, they seldom or never 
notched a tree that was not two or three feet over. 
They also made bark vessels for carrying the water, 
that would hold about four gallons each. They had two 
brass kettles, that held about fifteen gallons each, and 
other smaller kettles in which they boiled the water. 
But as they could not at all times boil away the water 
as fast as it was collected, they made vessels of bark, 
that would hold about one hundred gallons each, for re- 
taining the water; and tho' the sugar trees did not run 
every day, they had always a sufficient quantity of 
water to keep them boiling during the whole sugar 

The way that we commonly used our sugar while 
encamped, was by putting it in bears fat until the fat 
was almost as sweet as the sugar itself, and in this we 
dipped our roasted venison. About this time some of 
the Indian lads and myself, were employed in making 
and attending traps for catching racoons, foxes, wild 
cats, &c. 

As the racoon is a kind of water animal, that fre- 
quents the runs, or small water-courses, almost the 

38 Col. James Smith. 

whole night, we made our traps on the runs, by laying 
one small sapling on another, and driving in posts to 
keep them from rolling. The upper sapling we raised 
about eighteen inches, and set so, that on the racoons 
touching a string, or small piece of bark, the sapling 
would fall and kill it; and lest the racoon should pass 
by, we laid brush on both sides of the run, only leaving 
the channel open. 

The fox traps we made nearly in the same manner, 
at the end of a hollow log, or opposite to a hole at the 
root of a hollow tree, and put venison on a stick for 
bait: we had it so set that when the fox took hold of 
the meat, the trap fell. While the squaws were em- 
ployed in making sugar, the boys and men were en- 
gaged in hunting and trapping. 

About the latter end of March we began to prepare 
for moving into town, in order to plant corn: the 
squaws were then frying the last of their bears fat, 
and making vessels to hold it : the vessels were made of 
deer skins, which were skinned by pulling the skin off 
the neck, without ripping. After they had taken off 
the hair, they gathered it in small plaits round the 
neck and with a string drew it together like a purse: 
in the centre a pin was put, below which they tied a 
string, and while it was wet they blew it up like a 
bladder, and let it remain in this manner, until it was 
dry, when it appeared nearly in the shape of a sugar 
loaf, but more rounding at the lower end. One of these 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 39 

vessels would hold about four or five gallons; in these 
vessels it was they carried their bears oil. 

When all things were ready we moved back to the 
falls of Canesadooharie. In this route the land is 
chiefly first and second rate, but too much meadow 
ground, in proportion to the up land. The timber is 
white-ash, elm, black-oak, cherry, buckeye, sugar-tree, 
lynn, mulberry, beech, white-oak, hickory, wild apple- 
tree, red-haw, black-haw, and spicewood bushes. There 
is in some places, spots of beech timber, which spots 
may be called third rate land. Buckeye, sugar-tree, 
and spicewood, are common in the woods here. There 
is in some places, large swamps too wet for any use. 

On our arrival at the falls, (as we had brought with 
us on horse back, about two hundred weight of sugar, a 
large quantity of bears oil, skins, &c.) the canoe we 
had buried was not sufficient to carry all; therefore 
we were obliged to make another one of elm bark. 
While we lay here a young Wiandot found my books : 
on this they collected together ; I was a little way from 
the camp, and saw the collection, but did not know 
what it meant. They called me by my Indian name, 
which was Scoouwa, repeatedly. I ran to see what 
was the matter, they shewed me my books, and said they 
were glad they had been found, for they knew I was 
grieved at the loss of them, and that they now rejoiced 
with me because they were found. As I could then 
speak some Indian, especially Cauglmewaga (for both 

40 Col. James Smith. 

that and the Wiandot tongue were spoken in this camp) 
I told them that I thanked them for the kindness they 
had always shewn to me, and also for finding my books. 
They asked if the books were damaged 1 ? I told them 
not much. They then shewed how they lay, which was 
in the best manner to turn off the water. In a deer- 
skin pouch they lay all winter. The print was not 
much injured, though the binding was. This was the 
first time that I felt my heart warm towards the 
Indians. Though they had been exceeding kind to me, 
I still before detested them, on account of the barbarity 
I beheld after Braddock's defeat. Neither had I ever 
before pretended kindness, or expressed myself in a 
friendly manner ; but I began now to excuse the Indians 
on account of their want of information. 

When we were ready to embark, Tontileaugo would 
not go to town, but go up the river and take a hunt. 
He asked me if I choosed to go with him? I told him 
I did. We then got some sugar, bears oil bottled up 
in a bear's gut, and some dry venison, which we packed 
up, and went up Canesadooharie, about thirty miles, 
and encamped. At this time I did not know either the 
day of the week or the month ; but I supposed it to be 
about the first of April. We had considerable success 
in our business. We also found some stray horses, or 
a horse, mare, and a young colt; and though they had 
run in the woods all winter, they were in exceeding 
good order. There is plenty of grass here all winter,. 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 41 

under the snow, and horses accustomed to the woods 
can work it out. These horses had run in the woods 
until they were very wild. 

Tontileaugo one night concluded that we must run 
them down. I told him I thought we could not accom- 
plish it. He said he had run down bears, buffaloes and 
elks : and in the great plains, with only a small snow on 
the ground, he had run down a deer; and he thought 
that in one whole day, he could tire, or run down any 
four footed animal except a wolf. I told him that 
though a deer was the swiftest animal to run a short 
distance, yet it would tire sooner than a horse. He 
said he would at all events try the experiment. He 
had heard the Wiandots say, that I could run well, and 
now he would see whether I could or not. I told him 
that I never had run all day, and of course was not 
accustomed to that way of running. I never had run 
with the Wiandots more than seven or eight miles at 
one time. He said that was nothing, we must either 
catch these horses or run all day. 

In the morning early we left camp, and about sun- 
rise we started after them, stripped naked excepting 
breech-clouts and mockasons. About ten o 'clock I lost 
sight of both Tontileaugo and the horses, and did not 
see them again until about three o'clock in the after- 
noon. As the horses run all day, in about three or 
four miles square, at length they passed where I was, 
and I fell in close after them. As I then had a long 

42 Col. James Smith. 

rest, I endeavored to keep ahead of Tontileaugo, and 
after some time I could hear him after me calling 
ckakoh, chakoanaugh, which signifies, pull away or do 
your best. We pursued on, and after some time Ton- 
tileaugo passed me, and about an hour before sun- 
<down, we despaired of catching these horses and re- 
turned to camp where we had left our clothes. 

I reminded Tontileaugo of what I had told him; he 
replied he did not know what horses could do. They 
;are wonderful strong to run ; but withal we made them 
very tired. Tontileaugo then concluded, he would do 
as the Indians did with wild horses, when out at war : 
which is to shoot them through the neck under the 
mane, and above the bone, which will cause them to 
fall and lie until they can halter them, and then they 
recover again. This he attempted to do; but as the 
mare was very wild, he could not get sufficiently nigh 
to shoot her in the proper place ; however he shot, the 
"ball passed too low, and killed her. As the horse and 
colt stayed at this place, we caught the horse, and 
took him and the colt with us to camp. 

We stayed at this camp about two weeks, and killed 
a number of bears, racoons, and some beavers. We 
made a canoe of elm bark, and Tontileaugo embarked 
in it. He arrived at the falls that night; whilst I, 
mounted on horse back, with a bear skin saddle, and 
'bark stirrups, proceeded by land to the falls: I came 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 43 

there the next morning, and we carried our canoe and 
loading past the falls. 

The river is very rapid for some distance above the 
falls, which are about twelve or fifteen feet nearly per- 
pendicular. This river, called Canesadooharie, inter- 
locks with the West branch of Muskingum, runs nearly 
a north course, and empties into the south side of Lake 
Erie, about eighty miles east from Sandusky, or be- 
twixt Sandusky and Cayahaga. 

On this last route the land is nearly the same, as 
that last described, only there is not so much swampy 
or wet ground. 

We again proceeded towards the lake, I on horse 
back, and Tontileaugo by water. Here the land is 
generally good, but I found some difficulty in getting 
round swamps and ponds. When we came to the lake 
I proceeded along the strand, and Tontileaugo near the 
shore, sometimes paddling and sometimes polling his 
canoe along. 

After some time the wind arose, and he went into 
the mouth of a small creek and encamped. Here we 
staid several days on account of high wind, which 
raised the lake in great billows. While we were here 
Tontileaugo went out to hunt, and when he was gone 
a Wiandot came to our camp; I gave him a shoulder 
of venison which I had by the fire well roasted, and 
he received it gladly, told me he was hungry, and 
thanked me for mv kindness. When Tontileaugo came 

44 Col. James Smith. 

home, I told him that a Wiandot had been at camp, 
and that I gave him a shoulder of roasted venison ; he 
said that was very well, and I suppose you gave him 
also sugar and bears oil, to eat with his venison. I 
told him I did not; as the sugar and bears oil was 
down in the canoe I did not go for it. He replied you 
have behaved just like a Dutchman.* Do you not 
know that when strangers come to our camp, we ought 
always to give them the best that we have 1 ? I acknowl- 
edged that I was wrong. He said that he could excuse 
this, as I was but young; but I must learn to behave 
like a warrior, and do great things, and never be found 
in any such little actions. 

The lake being again calm, t we proceeded, and 
arrived safe at Sunyendeand, which was a Wiandot 
town, that lay upon a small creek which empties into 
the Little Lake below the mouth of Sandusky. 

The town was about eighty rood above the mouth 
of the creek, on the south side of a large plain, on 
which timber grew, and nothing more but grass or 
nettles. In some places there were large flats, where 
nothing but grass grew, about three feet high when 
grown, and in other places nothing but nettles, very- 
rank, where the soil is extremely rich and loose here 
they planted corn. In this town there were also French 

* The Dutch he called Skoharehaugo, which took its deriva- 
tion from a Dutch settlement called Skoharey. 

t The lake when calm, appears to be of a sky blue colour ;. 
though when lifted in a vessel, it is like other clear water. 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. . 45 

traders, who purchased our skins and fur, and we all 
got new clothes, paint, tobacco, &c. 

After I had got my new clothes, and my head done 
off like a red-headed wood-pecker, I, in company with 
a number of young Indians, went down to the corn 
field, to see the squaws at work. When we came there, 
they asked me to take a hoe, which I did, and hoed 
for some time. The squaws applauded me as a good 
hand at the business ; but when I returned to the town, 
the old men hearing of what I had done, chid me, and 
said that I was adopted in the place of a great man, 
and must not hoe corn like a squaw. They never had 
occasion to reprove me for any thing like this again ; 
as I never was extremely fond of work, I readily com- 
plied with their orders. 

As the Indians on their return from the winter hunt, 
bring in with them large quantities of bears oil, sugar, 
dried venison, &c., at this time they have plenty, and 
do not spare eating or giving thus they make way 
with their provision as quick as possible. They have 
no such thing as regular meals, breakfast, dinner or 
supper; but if any one, even the town folks, would 
go to the same house, several times in one day, he 
would be invited to eat of the best and with them it 
is bad manners to refuse to eat when it is offered. 
If they will not eat it is interpreted as -a symptom of 
displeasure, or that the persons refusing to eat were 
angry with those who invited them. 

46 Col. James Smith. 

At this time homony, plentifully mixed with bears 
oil and sugar ; or dried venison, bears oil and sugar, is 
what they offer to every one who comes in any time 
of the day; and so they go on until their sugar, bear's- 
oil and venison is all gone, and then they have to eat 
homony by itself, without bread, salt, or any thing 
else; yet, still they invite every one that comes in, 
to eat whilst they have any thing to give. It is thought 
a shame, not to invite people to eat, while they have 
any thing ; but, if they can in truth, only say we have 
got nothing to eat, this is accepted as an honorable 
apology. All the hunters and warriors continued in 
town about six weeks after we came in: they spent 
this time in painting, going from house to house, eat- 
ing, smoking, and playing at a game resembling dice, 
or hustle-cap. They put a number of plumb-stones in 
a small bowl ; one side of each stone is black, and the 
other white; they then shake or hustle the bowl, call- 
ing, hits, hits, hits, hones ey, honesey, rago, rago; which 
signifies calling for white or black, or what they wish 
to turn up; they then turn the bowl, and count the 
whites and blacks. Some were beating their kind of 
drum, and singing; others were employed in playing 
on a sort of flute, made of hollow cane; and others 
playing on the jews-harp. Some part of this time was 
also taken up in attending the council house, where 
the chiefs, and as many others as chose, attended ; and 
at night they were frequently employed in singing 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 47 

and dancing. Towards the last of this time, which was 
in June, 1756, they were all engaged in preparing to 
go to war against the frontiers of Virginia ; when they 
were equipped, they went through their ceremonies^, 
sung their war songs, &c. They all marched off, from 
fifteen to sixty years of age ; and some boys only twelve 
years old, were equipped with their bows and arrows, 
and went to war; so that none were left in town but 
squaws and children, except myself, one very old man,, 
and another about fifty years of age, who was lame. 

The Indians were then in great hopes that they 
would drive all the Virginians over the lake, which 
is all the name they know for the sea. They had 
some cause for this hope, because at this time, the 
Americans were altogether unacquainted with war of 
any kind, and consequently very unfit to stand their 
hand with such subtil enemies as the Indians were. 
The two old Indians asked me if I did not think that 
the Indians and French would subdue all America ,. 
except New England, which they said they had tried 
in old times. I told them I thought not : they said they 
had already drove them all out of the mountains, and 
had chiefly laid waste the great valley betwixt the North 
and South mountain, from Potomack to James River, 
which is a considerable part of the best land in Virginia, 
Maryland, and Pennsylvania, and that the white people 
appeared to them like fools ; they could neither guard 
against surprise, run, or fight. These they said were 

48 Col. James Smith. 

their reasons for saying that they would subdue the 
whites. They asked me to offer my reasons for my 
opinion, and told me to speak my mind freely. I told 
them that the white people to the East were very 
numerous, like the trees, and though they appeared to 
them to be fools, as they were not acquainted with 
their way of war, yet they were not fools; therefore 
after some time they will learn your mode of war, 
and turn upon you, or at least defend themselves. I 
found that the old men themselves did not believe they 
could conquer America, yet they were willing to propa- 
gate the idea, in order to encourage the young men to 
go to war. 

When the warriors left this town we had neither 
meat, sugar, or bears oil, left. All that we had then 
to live on was corn pounded into coarse meal or small 
homony this they boiled in water, which appeared 
like well-thickened soup, without salt or any thing 
else. For sometime, we had plenty of this kind of 
homony; at length we were brought, to very short 
allowance, and as the warriors did not return as soon 
as they expected, we were in a starving condition, and 
but one gun in the town, and very little amunition. 
The old lame Wiandot concluded that he would go a 
hunting in a canoe, and take me with him, and try 
to kill deer in the water, as it was then watering time. 
We went up Sandusky a few miles, then turned up a 
creek and encamped. We had lights prepared, as we 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 49 

were to hunt in the night, and also a piece of bark 
and some bushes set up in the canoe, in order to conceal 
ourselves from the deer. A little boy that was with 
us, held the light, I worked the canoe, and the old man, 
who had his gun loaded with large shot, when we came 
near the deer, fired, and in this manner killed three 
deer, in part of one night. We went to our fire, ate 
neartily, and in the morning returned, to town, in 
order to relieve the hungry and distressed. 

When we came to town, the children were crying 
bitterly on account of pinching hunger. We delivered 
what we had taken, and though it was but little among 
so many, it was divided according to the strictest rules 
of justice. We immediately set out for another hunt, 
but before we returned a part of the warriors had 
come in, and brought with them on horse-back, a quan- 
tity of meat. These warriors had divided into differ- 
ent parties, and all struck at different places in 
Augusta county. They brought in with them a con- 
siderable number of scalps, prisoners, horses, and other 
plunder. One of the parties brought in with them, 
one Arthur Campbell, that is now Col. Campbell, who 
lives on Holston Eiver, near the Eoyal-Oak. As the 
Wiandots at Sunyendeand, and those at Detroit were 
connected, Mr. Campbell was taken to Detroit ; but he 
remained some time with me in this town: his com- 
pany was very agreeable, and I was sorry when he 
left me. During his stay at Sunyendeand he borrowed 

50 Col. James Smith. 

my Bible, and made some pertinent remarks on what 
he had read. One passage was where it is said, "It 
is good for a man that he bear the yoke in his youth. ' ' 
He said we ought to be resigned to the will of Provi- 
dence, as we were now bearing the yoke, in our youth. 
Mr. Campbell appeared to be then about sixteen or 
seventeen years of age. 

There was a number of prisoners brought in by 
these parties, and when they were to run the gauntlet, 
I went and told them how they were to act. One John 
Savage was brought in, a middle-aged man, or about 
forty years old. He was to run the gauntlet. I told 
him what he had to do ; and after this I fell into one 
of the ranks with the Indians, shouting and yelling 
like them; and as they were not very severe on him, 
as he passed me, I hit him with a piece of pumpkin 
which pleased the Indians much, but hurt my feelings. 

About the time that these warriors came in, the 
green corn was beginning to be of use ; so that we had 
either green corn or venison, and sometimes both 
which was comparatively high living. When we could 
have plenty of green corn, or roasting-ears, the hunters 
became lazy, and spent their time as already men- 
tioned, in singing and dancing, &c. They appeared to 
be fulfilling the scriptures beyond those who profess 
to believe them, in that of taking no thought of to- 
morrow: and also in living in love, peace and friend- 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 51 

ship together, without disputes. In this respect they 
shame those who profess Christianity. 

In this manner we lived, until October, then the 
geese, swans, ducks, cranes, &c., came from the north, 
and alighted on this little Lake, without number or 
innumerable. Sunyendeand is a remarkable place for 
fish, in the spring, and fowl both in the fall and spring. 

As our hunters were now tired with indolence, and 
fond of their own kind of exercise, they all turned out 
to fowling, and in this could scarce miss of success; 
so that we had now plenty of homony and the best 
of fowls; and sometimes as a rarity we had a little 
bread, which was made of Indian corn meal, pounded 
in a homony-block, mixed with boiled beans, and baked 
in cakes under the ashes. 

This, with us was called good living, though not 
equal to our fat, roasted and boiled venison, when we 
went to the woods in the fall; or bears meat and 
beaver in the winter; or sugar, bears oil, and dry 
venison in the spring. 

Some time in October, another adopted brother, 
older than Tontileaugo, came to pay us a visit at Suny- 
endeand, and he asked me to take a hunt with him on 
Cayahaga. As they always used me as a free man, 
and gave me the liberty of choosing, I told him that 
I was attached to Tontileaugo had never seen him 
before, and therefore, asked sometime to consider of 
this. He told me that the party he was going with 

52 Col. James Smith. 

would not be along, or at the mouth of this little lake, 
in less than six days, and I could in this time be 
acquainted with him, and judge for myself. I con- 
sulted with Tontileaugo on this occasion, and he told 
me that our old brother Tecaughretanego, (which was 
his name) was a chief, and a better man than he was ; 
and if I went with him I might expect to be well used, 
but he said I might do as I pleased; and if I staid he 
would use me as he had done. I told him that he had 
acted in every respect as a brother to me; yet I was 
much pleased with my old brother's conduct and con- 
versation ; and as he was going to a part of the country 
I had never been in, I wished to go with him he said 
that he was perfectly willing. 

I then went with Tecaughretanego to the mouth of 
the little lake, where he met with the company he in- 
tended going with, which was composed of Caughne- 
wagas, and Ottawas. Here I was introduced to a 
Caughnewaga sister, and others I had never before 
seen. My sister's name was Mary, which they pro- 
nounced Maully. I asked Tecaughretanego how it came 
that she had an English name; he said that he did 
not know that it was an English name ; but it was the 
name the priest gave her when she was baptized, which 
he said was the name of the mother of Jesus. He said 
there were a great many of the Caughnewagas and 
Wiandots, that were a kind of half Eoman Catholics ; 
but as for himself, he said, that the priest and him 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 53 

could not agree ; as they held notions that contradicted 
both sense and reason, and had the assurance to tell 
him, that the book of God, taught them these foolish 
absurdities: but he could not believe the great and 
good spirit ever taught them any such nonsense : and 
therefore he concluded that the Indians' old religion 
was better than this new way of worshiping God. 

The Ottawas have a very useful kind of tents which 
they carry with them, made of flags plaited and 
stitched together in a very artful manner, so as to 
turn rain, or wind well each mat is made fifteen 
feet long and about five feet broad. In order to erect 
this kind of tent, they cut a number of long, straight 
poles, which they drive in the ground, in form of a 
circle, leaning inwards; then they spread the mats on 
these poles beginning at the bottom and extending up, 
leaving only a hole in the top uncovered and this hole 
answers the place of a chimney. They make a fire of 
dry, split wood, in the middle, and spread down bark 
mats and skins for bedding, on which they sleep in a 
crooked posture, all round the fire, as the length of 
their beds will not admit of stretching themselves. In 
place of a door they lift up one end of a mat and 
creep in, and let the mat fall down behind them. 

These tents are warm and dry, and tolerable clear of 
smoke. Their lumber they keep under birch-bark 
canoes, which they carry out and turn up for a shelter, 

54 Col. James Smith. 

where they keep every thing from the rain. Nothing 
is in the tents but themselves and their bedding. 

This company had four birch canoes and four tents. 
We were kindly received, and they gave us plenty of 
homony, and wild fowl, boiled and roasted. As the 
geese, ducks, swans, &c. here are well grain-fed, they 
were remarkably fat especially the green necked ducks. 

The wild fowl here feed upon a kind of wild rice, 
that grows spontaneously in the shallow water, or wet 
places along the sides or in the corners of the lakes. 

As the wind was high and we could not proceed on 
our voyage, we remained here several days, and killed 
abundance of wild fowl, and a number of racoons. 

When a company of Indians are moving together 
on the lake, as it is at this time of the year often 
dangerous sailing, the old men hold a council; and 
when they agree to embark, every one is engaged 
immediately in making ready, without offering one 
word against the measure, though the lake may be 
boisterous and horrid. One morning tho' the wind 
appeared to me to be as high as in days past, and the 
billows raging, yet the call was given yohoh-yohoh, 
which was quickly answered by all ooh^ooh, which 
signifies agreed. We were all instantly engaged in 
preparing to start, and had considerable difficulties 
in embarking. 

As soon as we got into our canoes we fell to paddling 
with all our might, making out from the shore. Though 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 55 

these sort of canoes ride waves beyond what could be 
expected, yet the water several times dashed into them. 
When we got out about half a mile from shore, we 
hoisted sail, and as it was nearly a west wind, we then 
seemed to ride the waves witl} ease, and went on at a 
rapid rate. We then all laid down our paddles, ex- 
cepting one that steered, and there was no water 
dashed into our canoes, until we came near the shore 
again. We sailed about sixty miles that day, and en- 
camped some time before night. 

The next day we again embarked and went on very 
well for some time ; but the lake being boisterous, and 
the wind not fair, we were obliged to make to shore, 
which we accomplished with hard work and some diffi- 
culty in landing. The next morning a council was held 
by the old men. 

As we had this day to pass by a long precipice of 
rocks, on the shore about nine miles, which rendered it 
impossible for us to land, though the wind was high 
and the lake rough; yet, as it was fair, we were all 
ordered to embark. We wrought ourselves out from 
the shore and hoisted sail (what we used in place of 
sail cloth, were our tent mats, which answered the 
place very well) and went on for some time with a 
fair wind, until we were opposite to the precipice, and 
then it turned towards the shore, and we began to 
fear we should be cast upon the rocks. Two of the 
canoes were considerably farther out from the rocks, 

56 Col. James Smith. 

than the canoe I was in. Those who were farthest out 
in the lake did not let down their sails until they had 
passed the precipice; but as we were nearer the rock, 
we were obliged to lower our sails, and paddle with all 
our might. With much difficulty we cleared ourselves 
of the rock and landed. As the other canoes had 
landed before us, there were immediately runners sent 
off to see if we were all safely landed. 

This night the wind fell, and the next morning the 
lake was tolerably calm, and we embarked without 
difficulty, and paddled along near the shore, until we 
came to the mouth of Cayahaga, which empties into 
Lake Erie on the south side, betwixt Canesadooharie 
and Presq' Isle. 

Wfe turned up Cayahaga and encamped where we 
staid and hunted for several days; and so we kept 
moving and hunting until we came to the forks of 

This is a very gentle river, and but few riffles, or 
swift running places, from the mouth to the forks. 
Deer here were tolerably plenty, large, and fat; but 
bear and other game scarce. The upland is hilly and 
principally second and third rate land. The timber 
chiefly black-oak, white-oak, hickory, dogwood, &c. 

The bottoms are rich and large, and the timber is wal- 


nut, locust, mulberry, sugar-tree, red-haw, black-haw, 
wild-appletrees &c. The West Branch of this river 
interlocks with the East Branch of Muskingum; and 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 57 

the East Branch with the Big Beaver creek, that 
empties into the Ohio about thirty miles below Pitts- 

From the forks of Cayahaga to the East Branch of 
Muskingum, there is a carrying place, where the In- 
dians carry their canoes &c. from the waters of Lake 
Erie, into the waters of the Ohio. 

From the forks I went over with some hunters, to 
the East Branch of Muskingum, where they killed 
several deer, a number of beavers, and returned heavy 
laden, with skins and meat, which we carried on our 
backs, as we had no horses. 

The land here is chiefly second and third rate, and 
the timber chiefly oak and hickory. A little above the 
forks, on the East Branch of Cayahaga, are consider- 
able rapids, very rocky, for some distance ; but no per- 
pendicular falls. 

About the first of December, 1756, we were prepar- 
ing for leaving the river : we buried our canoes, and as 
usual hung up our skins, and every one had a pack to 
carry: the squaws also packed up their tents, which 
they carried in large rolls, that extended up above 
their heads ; and though a great bulk, yet not heavy. 
We steered about a south east course and could not 
march over ten miles per day. At night we lodged in 
our flag tents, which when erected, were nearly in the 
shape of a sugar loaf, and about fifteen feet diameter 
at the ground. 

58 Col. James Smith. 

In this manner we proceeded about forty miles, 
and wintered in these tents, on the waters of Beaver 
creek, near a little lake or large pond, which is about 
two miles long, and one broad, and a remarkable place 
for beaver. 

It is a received opinion among the Indians, that the 
geese turn to beavers and the snakes to racoons ; and 
though Tecaughretanego, who was a wise man, was not 
fully persuaded that this was true, yet he seemed in 
some measure to be carried away with this whimsical 
notion. He said that this pond had been always a 
plentiful place of beaver. Though he said he knew 
them to be frequently all killed, (as he thought;) yet 
the next winter they would be as plenty as ever. And 
as the beaver was an animal that did not travel by 
land, and there being no water communication, to, or 
from this pond how could such a number of beavers 
get there year after year? But as this pond was also 
a considerable place for geese, when they came in the 
fall from the north, and alighted in this pond, they 
turned beavers, all but the feet, which remained nearly 
the same. 

I said, that though there was no water communica- 
tion, in, or out of this pond; yet it appeared that it 
was fed by springs, as it was always, clear and never 
stagnated ; and as a very large spring rose about a mile 
below this p6nd, it was likely that this spring came 
from this pond. In the fall, when this spring is com- 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 59 

paratively low, there would be air under ground suffi- 
cient for the beavers to breathe in, with their heads 
above water, for they can not live long under water, 
and so they might have a subterraneous passage by 
water into this pond. Tecaughretanego, granted that 
it might be so. 

About the sides of this pond there grew great abun- 
dance of cranberries, which the Indians gathered up on 
the ice, when the pond was frozen over. These berries 
were about as large as rifle bullets of a bright red 
colour an agreeable sour, though rather too sour of 
themselves; but when mixed with sugar, had a very 
agreeable taste. 

In conversation with Tecaughretanego, I happened 
to be talking of the beavers' catching fish. He asked 
me why I thought that the beaver caught fish? I told 
him that I had read of the beaver making dams for 
the conveniency of fishing. He laughed, and made 
game of me and my book. He said the man that wrote 
that book knew nothing about the beaver. The beaver 
never did eat flesh of any kind ; but lived on the bark 
of trees, roots, and other vegetables. 

In order to know certainly how this was, when we 
killed a beaver I carefully examined the intestines, but 
found no appearance of fish; I afterwards made an 
experiment on a pet beaver which we had, and found 
that it would neither eat fish, or flesh; therefore I 
acknowledged that the book I had read was wrong. 

60 Col. James Smith. 

I asked him if the beaver was an amphibious animal,, 
or if it could live under water? He said that the 
beaver was a kind of subterraneous water animal, that 
lives in or near the water; but they were no more 
amphibious than the ducks and geese were which was 
constantly proven to be the case, as all the beavers 
that are caught in steel traps are drowned, provided 
the trap be heavy enough to keep them under water. 
As the beaver does not eat fish, I enquired of Tecaugh- 
retanego why the beaver made such large dams? He 
said they were of use to them in various respects 
both for their safety and food. For their safety, as 
by raising the water over the mouths of their holes, or 
subterraneous lodging places, they could not be easily 
found: and as the beaver feeds chiefly on the bark of 
trees, by raising the water over the banks, they can 
cut down sapplings for bark to feed upon without 
going out much upon the land: and when they are 
obliged to go out on land for this food they frequently 
are caught by the wolves. As the beaver can run upon 
land, but little faster than a water tortoise, and is no 
fighting animal, if they are any distance from the 
water they become an easy prey to their enemies. 

I asked Tecaughretanego, what was the use of the 
beaver's stones, or glands, to them; as the she beaver 
has two pair, which is commonly called the oil stones, 
and the bark stones ? He said that as the beavers are 
the dumbest of all animals, and scarcely ever make 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 61 

any noise j and as they were working creatures, they 
made use of this smell in order to work in concert. If 
an old beaver was to come on the bank and rub his 
breech upon the ground, and raise a perfume, the 
others will collect from different places and go to 
work: this is also of use to them in travelling, that 
they may thereby search out and find their company. 
Cunning hunters finding this out, have made use of it 
against the beaver, in order to catch them. What is 
the bate which you see them make use of, but a com- 
pound of the oil and bark stones? By this perfume, 
which is only a false signal, they decoy them to the 

Near this pond, beaver was the principal game. Be- 
fore the waters froze up, we caught a great many with 
wooden and steel traps: but after that, we hunted the 
beaver on the ice. Some places here the beavers build 
large houses to live in ; and in other places they have 
subterraneous lodgings in the banks. Where they 
lodge in the ground we have no chance of hunting 
them on the ice; but where they have houses we go 
with malls and handspikes, and break all the hollow 
ice, to prevent them from getting their heads above the 
water under it. Then we break a hole in the house 
and they make their escape into the water; but as 
they cannot live long under water, they are obliged to 
go to some of those broken places to breathe, and the 
Indians commonly put in their hands, catch them by 

62 Col. James Smith* 

the hind leg, haul them on the ice and tomahawk them. 
Sometimes they shoot them in the head, when they 
raise it above the water. I asked the Indians if they 
were not afraid to catch the beavers with their hands? 
they said no : they were not much of a biting creature ; 
yet if they would catch them by the fore foot they 
would bite. 

I went out with Tecaughretanego, and some others 
a beaver hunting: but we did not succeed, and on our 
return we saw where several racoons had passed, while 
the snow was soft; tho' there was now a crust upon 
it, we all made a halt looking at the racoon tracks. As 
they saw a tree with a hole in it they told me to go 
and see if they had gone in thereat; and if they had to 
halloo, and they would come and take them out. When 
I went to that tree I found they had gone past ; but I 
saw another the way they had went, and proceeded to 
examine that, and found they had gone up it. I then 
began to holloo, but could have no answer. 

As it began to snow and blow most violently, I re- 
turned and proceeded after my company, and for some 
time could see their tracks; but the old snow being 
only about three inches deep, and a crust upon it, the 
present driving snow soon filled up the tracks. As I 
had only a bow, arrows, and tomahawk, with me, and 
no way to strike fire, I appeared to be in a dismal situ- 
ationand as the air was dark with snow, I had little 
more prospect of steering my course, than I would in 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 63 

the night. At length I came to a hollow tree, with a 
hole at one side that I could go in at. I went in, and 
found that it was a dry place, and the hollow about 
three feet diameter, and high enough for me to stand 
in. I found that there was also a considerable quantity 
of soft, dry rotten wood, around this hollow: I there- 
fore concluded that I would lodge here; and that I 
would go to work, and stop up the door of my house. 
I stripped off my blanket, (which was all the "clothes 
that I had, excepting a breech-clout, leggins, and mocka- 
sons,) and with my tomahawk, fell to chopping at the 
top of a fallen tree that lay near and carried wood and 
set it up on end against the door, until I had it three 
or four feet thick, all round, excepting a hole I had left 
to creep in at. I had a block prepared that I could 
haul after me, to stop this hole : and before I went in 
I put in a number of small sticks, that I might more 
effectually stop it on the inside. When I went in, I 
took my tomahawk and cut down all the dry, rotten 
wood I could get, and beat it small. With it I made a 
bed like a goose-nest or hog-bed, and with the small 
sticks stopped every hole, until my house was almost 
dark. I stripped off my mockasons, and danced in the 
centre of my bed for about half an hour, in order to 
warm myself. In this time my feet and whole body 
were agreeably warmed. The snow, in the mean while,, 
had stopped all the holes, so that my house was as dark 
as a dungeon ; though I knew it could not yet be dark 

64 Col. James Smith. 

out of doors. I then coiled myself up in niy blanket, 
lay down in my little round bed, and had a tolerable 
nights lodging. When I awoke, all was dark not the 
least glimmering of light was to be seen. Immediately 
I recollected that I was not to expect light in this new 
habitation, as there was neither door nor window in it. 
As I could hear the storm raging, and did not suffer 
much cold, as I was then situated, I concluded I would 
stay in my nest until I was certain it was day. Wh'en 
I had reason to conclude that it surely was day, I arose 
and put on my mockasons, which I had laid under my 
head to keep from Freezing. I then endeavored to find 
the door, and had to do all by the sense of feeling, 
which took me some time. At length I found the block, 
but it being heavy, and a large quantity of snow having 
fallen on it, at the first attempt I did not move it. I 
then felt terrified among all the hardships I had sus- 
tained, I never knew before, what it was to be thus 
deprived of light. This, with the other circumstances 
attending it, appeared grievous. I went straightway 
to bed again, wrapped my blanket round me, and lay 
and mused awhile, and then prayed to Almighty God 
to direct and protect me, as he had done heretofore. I 
once again attempted to move away the block, which 
proved successful : it moved about nine inches. With 
this a considerable quantity of snow fell in from above, 
and I immediately received light; so that I found a 
very great snow had fallen, above what I had ever seen 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 65 

in one night. I then knew why I could not easily move 
the block, and I was so rejoiced at obtaining the light, 
that all my other difficulties seemed to vanish. I then 
turned into my cell, and returned God thanks for hav- 
ing once more received the light of Heaven. At length 
I belted my blanket about me, got my tomahawk, bow 
and arrows, and went out of my den. 

I was now in tolerable high spirits, tho' the snow 
had fallen above three feet deep, in addition to what 
was on the ground before; and the only imperfect 
guide I had, in order to steer my course to camp, was 
the trees; as the moss generally grows on the north- 
west side of them, if they are straight. I proceeded 
on, wading through the snow, and about twelve o 'clock 
(as it appeared afterwards, from that time to night, for 
it was yet cloudy,) I came upon the creek that our camp 
was on, about half a mile below the camp; and when I 
came in sight of the camp, I found that there was great 
joy, by the shouts and yelling of the boys, &c. 

When I arrived, they all came round me, and re- 
ceived me gladly; but at this time no questions were 
asked, and I was taken into a tent, where they gave me 
plenty of fat beaver meat, and then asked me to smoke. 
When I had done, Tecaughretanego desired me to walk 
out to a fire they had made. I went out, and they all 
collected round me, both men, women, and boys. Te- 
caughretanego asked me to give them a particular 
account of what had happened from the time they left 

66 Col. James Smith. 

me yesterday, until now. I told them the whole of the 
story, and they never interrupted me ; but when I made 
a stop, the intervals were filled with loud acclamations 
Of joy. As I could not, at this time, talk Ottawa or 
Jibewa well, (which is nearly the same) I delivered my 
story in Caughnewaga. As my sister Molly's husband 
was a Jibewa and could understand Caughnewaga, he 
acted as interpreter, and delivered my story to the 
Jibewas and Ottawas, which they received with pleas- 
ure. When all this was done, Tecaughretanego made 
a speech to me in the following manner: 


"You see we have prepared snow-shoes to go after 
you, and were almost ready to go, when you appeared ; 
yet, as you had not been accustomed to hardships in 
your country, to the east, we never expected to see you 
alive. Now, we are glad to see you, in various re- 
spects; we are glad to see you on your own account; 
and we are glad to see the prospect of your filling the 
place of a great man, in whose room you were adopted. 
We do not blame you for what has happened, we blame 
ourselves; because, we did not think of this driving 
snow filling up the tracks, until after we came to camp. 


"Your conduct on this occasion hath pleased us 
much : You have given us an evidence of your fortitude, 
skill and resolution: and we hope you will always go- 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 67 

on to do great actions, as it is only great actions that 
can make a great man." 

I told my brother Tecaughretanego, that I thanked 
them for their care of me, and for the kindness I always 
received. I told him that I always wished to do great 
actions, and hoped I never would do any thing to dis- 
honor any of those with whom I was connected. I 
likewise told my Jibewa brother-in-law to tell his peo- 
ple that I also thanked them for their care and kind- 

The next morning some of the hunters went out on 
snow-shoes, killed several deer, and hauled some of 
them into camp upon the snow. TKey fixed their 
carrying strings, (which are broad in the middle, and 
small at each end,) in the fore feet and nose of the 
deer, and laid the broad part of it on their heads or 
about their shoulders, and pulled it along; and when 
it is moving, will not sink in the snow much deeper 
than a snow-shoe ; and when taken with the grain of the 
hair, slips along very- easy. 

The snow-shoes are made like a hoop-net, and 
wrought with buck-skin thongs. Each shoe is about 
two feet and a half long, and about eighteen inches 
broad, before, and small behind, with cross-bars, in 
order to fix or tie them to their feet. After the snow 
had lay a few days, the Indians tomahawked the deer, 
by pursuing them in this manner. 

About two weeks after this, there came a warm rain, 

68 Col. James Smith. 

and took away the chief part of the snow, and broke 
up the ice; then we engaged in making wooden traps 
to catch beavers, as we had but few steel traps. These 
traps are made nearly in the same manner as the 
racoon traps already described. 

One day as I was looking after my traps, I got 
benighted, by beaver ponds intercepting my way to 
camp; and as I had neglected to take fire-works with 
me, and the weather very cold, I could find no suitable 
lodging-place, therefore the only expedient I could 
think of to keep myself from freezing, was exercise. I 
danced and halloo 'd the whole night with all my might, 
and the next day came to camp. Though I suffered 
much more this time than the other night I lay out, 
yet the Indians were not so much concerned, as they 
thought I had fire-works with me ; but when they knew 
how it was, they did not blame me. They said that old 
hunters were frequently involved in this place, as the 
beaver dams were one above another on every creek 
and run, so that it is hard to find a fording place. They 
applauded me for my fortitude, and said as they had 
now plenty of beaver-skins, they would purchase me 
a new gun at Detroit, as we were to go there the next 
spring; and then if I should chance to be lost in dark 
weather, I could make fire, kill provision, and return to 
camp when the sun shined. By being bewildered on 
the waters of Muskingum, I lost repute, and was re- 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 69 

duced to the bow and arrow; and by lying out two 
nights here, I regained my credit. 

After some time, the waters all froze again, and then, 
as formerly, we hunted beavers on the ice. Though 
beaver meat, without salt or bread, was the chief of 
our food this winter, yet we had always plenty, and 
I was well contented with my diet, as it appeared 
delicious fare, after the way we had. lived the winter 

Some time in February, we scaffolded up our fur 
and skins, and moved about ten miles in quest of a 
sugar camp or a suitable place to make sugar, and 
encamped in a large bottom, on the head waters of 
Big Beaver creek. We had some difficulty in moving, 
as we had a blind Caughnewaga boy about 15 years 
of age, to lead ; and as this country is very brushy, we 
frequently had him to carry; We had also my Jibewa 
brother-in-law's father with us, who was thought by 
the Indians to be a great conjurer his name was 
Manetohcoa this old man was so decrepit, that we had 
to carry him this route upon a bier, and all our bag- 
gage to pack on our backs. 

Shortly after we came to this place the squaws began 
to make sugar. We had no large kettles with us this 
year, and they made the frost, in some measure, supply 
the place of fire, in making sugar. Their large bark 
vessels, for holding the stock-water, they made broad 
and shallow; and as the weather is very cold here, it 

70 Col. James Smith. 

frequently freezes at night in sugar time; and the ice 
they break and cast out of the vessels. I asked them 
if they were not throwing away the sugar? they said 
no ; it was water they were casting away, sugar did not 
freeze, and there was scarcely any in that ice. They 
said I might try the experiment, and boil some of it, 
and see what I would get. I never did try it; but I 
observed that after several times freezing, the water 
that remained in the vessel, changed its colour and be- 
came brown and very sweet. 

About the time we were done making sugar the snow 
went off the ground ; and one night a squaw raised an 
alarm. She said she saw two men with guns in their 
hands, upon the bank on the other side of the creek, 
spying our tents they were supposed to be Johnston's 
Mohawks. On this the squaws were ordered to slip 
quietly out, some distance into the bushes ; and all who 
had either guns or bows were to squat in the bushes 
near the tents ; and if the enemy rushed up, we were to 
give them the first fire, and let the squaws have an 
opportunity of escaping. I got down beside Tecaugh- 
retanego, and he whispered to me not to be afraid, for 
he would speak tp the Mohawks, and as they spake the 
same tongue that we did, they would not hurt the 
Caughnewagas, or me : but they would kill all the Jibe- 
was and Ottawas that they could, and take us along 
with them. This news pleased me well, and I heartily 
wished for the approach of the Mohawks. 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 71 

Before we withdrew from the tents they had carried 
Manetohcoa to the fire, and gave him his conjuring 
tools; which were dyed feathers, the bone of the 
shoulder blade of the wild cat, tobacco, &c v and while 
we were in the bushes, Manetohcoa was in a tent at the 
fire, conjuring away to the utmost of his ability. At 
length he called aloud for us all to come in, which was 
quickly obeyed. When we came in, he told us that 
after he had gone through the whole of his ceremony, 
and expected to see a number of Mohawks on the flat 
bone when it was warmed at the fire, the pictures of 
two wolves only appeared. He said though there were 
no Mohawks about, we must not be angry with . the 
squaw for giving a false alarm ; as she had occasion to 
go out and happened to see the wolves, though it was 
moon light ; yet she got afraid, and she conceited it was 
Indians, with guns in their hands, so he said we might 
all go to sleep, for there was no danger and accord- 
ingly we did. 

The next morning we went to the place, and found 
wolf tracks, and where they had scratched with their 
feet like dogs; but there was no sign of mockason 
tracks. If there is any such thing as a wizzard, I 
think Manetohcoa was as likely to be one as any man, 
as he was a professed worshipper of the devil. But 
let him be a conjuror or not, I am persuaded that the 
Indians believed what he told them upon this occasion, 
as well as if it had come from an infallible oracle ; or 

72 Col. James Smith. t 

they would not, after such an alarm as this, go all to 
sleep in an unconcerned manner. This appeared to 
me the most like witchcraft, of any thing I beheld while 
I was with them. Though I scrutinized their proceed- 
ings in business of this kind, jet I generally found that 
their pretended witchcraft, was either art or mistaken 
notions, whereby they deceived themselves. Before a 
battle they spy the enemy's motions carefully, and when 
they find that they can have considerable advantage, 
and the greatest prospect of success, then the old men 
pretend to conjure, or to tell what the event will be, 
and this they do in a figurative manner, which will 
bear something of a different interpretation, which 
generally comes to pass nearly as they foretold ; there- 
fore the young warriors generally believed these old 
conjurors, which had a tendency to animate, and excite 
them to push on with vigor. 

Some time in March, 1757, we began to move back 
to the forks of Cayahaga, which was about forty or 
fifty miles; and as we had no horses, we had all our 
baggage and several hundred weight of beaver skins, 
and some deer and bear skins all to pack on our backs. 
The method we took to accomplish this was by making 
short days' journies. In the morning we would move 
on with as much as we were able to carry, about five 
miles, and encamp ; and then run back for more. We 
commonly made three such trips in the day. When we 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 73" 

came to the great pond we staid there one day to rest 
ourselves and to kill ducks and geese. 

While we remained here I went in company with a 
young Caughnewaga, who was about fifteen or seven- 
teen years of age, Chinnohete by name, in order to 
gather crannberries. As he was gathering berries at 
some distance from me, three Jibewa squaws crept up 
undiscovered and made at him speedily, but he nimbly 
escaped, and came to me apparently terrified. I asked 
him what he was afraid of? he replied did you not see 
those squaws! I told him I did, and they appeared to- 
be in a very good humor. I asked him wherefore then 
he was afraid of them? He said the Jibewa squaws 
were very bad women, and had a very ugly custom 
among them. I asked him what that custom was? he 
said that when two or three of them could catch a 
young lad, that was betwixt a man and a boy, out by 
himself, if they could overpower him, they would strip 
him by force in order to see whether he was coming 
on to be a man or not. He said that was what they 
intended when they crawled up, and ran so violently 
at him, but said he, I am very glad that I so narrowly 
escaped. I then agreed with Chinnohete in condemn- 
ing this as a bad custom, and an exceeding immodest 
action for young women to be guilty of. 

From our sugar camp on the head waters of Big 
Beaver creek, to this place is not hilly, and some places 
the woods are tolerably clear; but in most places ex- 

74 Col. James Smith. 

ceeding brushy. The land here is chiefly second and 
third rate. The timber on the upland is white-oak, 
black-oak, hickory and chesnut: there is also in some 
places walnut up land, and plenty of good water. The 
bottoms here are generally large and good. 

We again proceeded on from the pond to the forks 
of Cayahaga, at the rate of about five miles per day. 

The land on this route is not very hilly, it is well 
watered, and in many places ill timbered, generally 
"brushy, and chiefly second and third rate land, inter- 
mixed with good bottoms. 

When we came to the forks, we found that the skins 
we had scaffolded were all safe. Though this was a 
public place, and Indians frequently passing, and our 
skins hanging up in view, yet there was none stolen; 
and it is seldom that Indians do steal anything from 
one another; and they say they never did, until the 
^vhite people came among them, and learned some of 
them to lie, cheat and steal, but be that as it may, 
they never did curse or swear, until the whites learned 
them; some think their language will not admit of it, 
but I am not of that opinion; if I was so disposed, I 
could find language to curse or swear, in the Indian 

I remember that Tecaughretanego, when something 
displeased him, said, God damn it. I asked him if he 
knew what he then said? he said he did ; and mentioned 
one of their degrading expressions, which he supposed 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 75 

to be the meaning or something like the meaning of 
what he had said. I told him that it did not bear 
the least resemblance to it; that what he said, was 
calling upon the great spirit to punish the object he 
was displeased with. He stood for sometime amazed, 
and then said, if this be the meaning of these words, 
what sort of people are the whites? when the traders 
were among us these words seemed to be intermixed 
with all their discourse. He told me to reconsider 
what I had said, for he thought I must be mistaken 
in my definition; if I was not mistaken, he said, the 
traders applied these words not only wickedly, but 
often times very foolishly and contrary to sense or 
reason. He said he remembered once of a trader's 
accidentally breaking his gun lock, and on that occasion 
calling out aloud God damn it surely said he the gun 
lock was not an object worthy of punishment for Owan- 
eeyo, or the Great Spirit : he also observed the traders 
often used this expression, when they were in a good 
humor and not displeased with anything. I acknowl- 
edged that the traders used this expression very often, 
in a most irrational, inconsistent, and impious manner ; 
yet I still asserted that I had given the true meaning 
of these words. He replied, if so, the traders are as 
bad as Oonasahroona, or the under ground inhabitants, 
which is the name they give the devils ; as they enter- 
tain a notion that their place of residence is under 
the earth. 

76 Col. James Smith. 

We took up our birch-bark canoes which we had 
buried, and found that they were not damaged by the 
winter; but they not being sufficient to carry all that 
we now had, we made a large chesnut bark canoe ; as 
elm bark was not to be found at this place. 

We all embarked, and had a very agreeable passage 
down the Cayahaga, and along the south side of Lake 
Erie, until we passed the mouth of Sandusky ; then the 
wind arose, and we put in at the mouth of the Miami 
of the Lake, at Cedar Point, where we remained several 
days, and killed a number of Turkeys, geese, ducks and 
swans. The wind being fair, and the lake not ex- 
tremely rough, we again embarked, hoisted up sails, 
and arrived safe at the Wiandot town, nearly opposite 
of Fort Detroit, on the north side of the river. Here 
we found a number of French traders, every one very 
willing to deal with us for our beaver. 

We bought ourselves fine clothes, amunition, paint, 
tobacco, &c. and according to promise, they purchased 
me a new gun : yet we had parted with only about one- 
third of our beaver. At length a trader came to town 
with French Brandy : We purchased a keg of it, and 
held a council about who was to get drunk, and who 
was to keep sober. I was invited to get drunk, but I 
refused the proposal then they told me that I must be- 
one of those who were to take care of the drunken peo- 
ple. I did not like this ; but of two evils I chose that 
which I thought was the least and fell in with those 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 77 

who were to conceal the arms, and keep every danger- 
ous weapon we could, out of their way, and endeavor 
if possible to keep the drinking club from killing each 
other, which was a very hard task. Several times we 
hazarded our own lives, and got ourselves hurt, in pre- 
venting them from slaying each other. Before they 
had finished this keg, near one-third of the town was 
introduced to this drinking club; they could not pay 
their part, as they had already disposed of all their 
skins; but that made no odds, all were welcome to 

When they were done with this keg, they applied to 
the traders, and procured a kettle full of brandy at a 
time, which they divided out with a large wooden 
spoon, and so they went on and never quit while 
they had a single beaver skin. 

When the trader had got all our beaver, he moved 
off to the Ottawa town, about a mile above the Wiandot 

When the brandy was gone, and the drinking club 
sober, they appeared much dejected. Some of them 
were crippled, others badly wounded, a number of 
their fine new shirts tore, and several blankets were 
burned: a number of squaws were also in this club, 
and neglected their corn planting. 

We could now hear the effects of the brandy in the 
Ottawa town. T-hey were singing and yelling in the 
most hideous manner, both night and day; but their 

78 Col. James Smith. 

frolic ended worse than ours ; five Ottawas were killed 
and a great many wounded. 

After this a number of young Indians were getting 
their ears cut, and they urged me to have mine cut like- 
wise; but they did not attempt to compel me, though 
they endeavored to persuade me. The principal argu- 
ments they used were its being a very great ornament,, 
and also the common fashion The former I did not 
believe, and the latter I could not deny. The way they 
performed this operation was by cutting the fleshy part 
of the circle of the ear close to the gristle quite through.. 
When this was done they wrapt rags round this fleshy 
part until it -was entirely healed; then they hung lead 
to it and stretched it to a wonderful length; when it 
was sufficiently stretched, they wrapt the fleshy part 
round with brass wire, which formed it into a semi- 
circle about four inches diameter. 

Many of the young men were now exercising them- 
selves in a game resembling foot ball; though they 
commonly struck the ball with a crooked stick, made 
for that purpose; also a game something like this, 
wherein they used a wooden ball, about three inches 
diameter, and the instrument they moved it with was 
a strong staff about five feet long, with a hoop net on 
the end of it, large enough to contain the ball. Before 
they begin the play, they lay off about half a mile dis- 
tance in a clear plain, and the opposite parties all 
attend at the centre, where a disinterested person casts 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 79> 

up the ball then the oposite parties all contend for 
it. If any one gets it into his net, he runs with it 
the way he wishes it to go, and they all pursue him. 
If one of the opposite party overtakes the person with 
the ball, he gives the staff a stroke which causes the 
ball to fly out of the net ; then they have another debate 
for it; and if the one that gets it can outrun all the- 
opposite party, and can carry it quite out, or over the 
line at the end, the game is won ; but this seldom hap- 
pens. When any one is running away with the ball, 
and is like to be overtaken, he commonly throws it, 
and with this instrument can cast it fifty or sixty 
yards. Sometimes when the ball is almost at the one 
end, matters will take a sudden turn, and the opposite 
party may quickly carry it out at the other end. Often- 
times they will work a long while back and forward 
before they can get the ball over the line, or win the- 

About the first of June, 1757, the warriors were pre- 
paring to go to war, in the Wiandot, Pottowatomy,, 
and Ottawa towns; also a great many Jibewas came 
down from the upper lakes; and after singing their 
war songs and going through their Common ceremonies^ 
they marched off against the frontiers of Virginia,. 
Maryland and Pennsylvania, in their usual manner, 
singing the travelling song, slow firing, &c. 

On the north side of the river St. Laurence, opposite- 
to Fort Detroit, there is an island, which the Indians; 

80 Col. James Smith. 

call the Long Island, and which they say is above one 
thousand miles long, and in some places above one 
hundred miles broad. They further say that the great 
river that comes down by Canesatauga and that empties 
into the main branch of St. Laurence, above Montreal, 
originates from one source, with the St. Lawrence, and 
forms this island. 

Opposite to Detroit, and below it, was originally a 
prairie, and laid off in lots about sixty rods broad, and 
a great length : each lot is divided into two fields, which 
they cultivate year about. The principal grain that 
the French raised in these fields was spring wheat and 

They built all their houses on the front of these lots 
on the river side; and as the banks of the river are 
very low, some of the houses are not above three or 
four feet above the surface of the water ; yet they are 
in no danger of being disturbed by freshes, as the river 
seldom rises above eighteen inches; because it is the 
communication, of the river St. Laurence, from one 
lake to another. 

As dwelling-houses, barns, and stables are all built 
on the front of these lots ; at a distance it appears like 
a continued row of houses in a town, on each side of 
the river for a long way. These villages, the town, 
the river and the plains, being all in view at once, 
affords a most delightful prospect. 

The inhabitants here chiefly drink the river water; 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 81 

and as it comes from the northward it is very whole- 

The land here is principally second rate, and com- 
paratively speaking, a small part is first or third rate ; 
tho about four or five miles south of Detroit, there is 
a small portion that is worse than what I would call 
third rate, which produces abundance of hurtle berries. 

There is plenty of good meadow ground here, and a 
great many marshes that are overspread with water. 
The timber is elm, sugar-tree, black-ash, white-ash, 
abundance of water-ash, oak, hickory, and some walnut. 

About the middle of June the Indians were almost 

all gone to war, from sixteen to sixty; yet Tecaughre- 
tanego remained in town with me. Tho he had for- 
merly, when they were at war with the southern nations 
been a great warrior, and an eminent counsellor ; and I 
think as clear and as able a reasoner upon any subject 
that he had an opportunity of being acquainted with, as 
I ever knew; yet he had all along been against this 
war, and had strenuously opposed it in council. He 
said if the English and French had a quarrel let them 
fight their own battles themselves; it is not our busi- 
ness to intermeddle therewith. 

Before the warriors returned we were very scarce 
of provision : and tho we did not commonly steal from 
one another; yet we stole during this time any thing 
that we could eat from the French, under the notion 
that it was just for us to do so ; because they supported 

82 Col. James Smith. 

their soldiers; and our squaws, old men and children 
were suffering on the account of the war, as our hun- 
ters were all gone. 

Some time in August the warriors returned, and 
brought in with them a great many scalps, prisoners, 
horses and plunder; and the common report among the 
young warriors, was, that they would entirely subdue 
Tulhasaga, that is the English, or it might be literally 
rendered the Morning Light inhabitants. 

About the first of November a number of families 
were preparing to go on their winter hunt, and all 
agreed to cross the lake together. We encamped at 
the mouth of the river the first night, and a council 
was held, whether we would cross thro' by the three 
islands, or coast it round the lake. These islands lie 
in a line across the lake, and are just in sight of each 
other. Some of the "Wiandots or Ottawas frequently 
make their winter hunt on these islands. Tho except- 
ing wild fowl and fish, there is scarcely any game here 
but racoons which are amazingly plenty, and exceed- 
ing large and fat; as they feed upon the wild rice, 
which grows in abundance in wet places round these 
islands. It is said that each hunter in one winter will 
catch one thousand racoons. 

It is a received opinion among the Indians that the 
snakes and racoons are transmutable ; and that a great 
many of the snakes turn racoons every fall, and racoons 
snakes every spring. This notion is founded on ob- 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 83 

servations made on the snakes and racoons in this 

As the racoons here lodge in rocks, the trappers 
make their wooden traps at the month of the holes ; and 
as they go daily to look at their traps, in the winter 
season, they commonly find them filled with racoons; 
but in the spring or when the frost is out of the ground 
they say, they then find their traps filled with large 
rattle snakes. And therefore conclude that the racoons 
are transformed. They also say that the reason why 
they are so remarkably plenty in the winter, is, every 
fall the snakes turn racoons again. 

I told them that tho I had never landed on any of 
these islands, yet from the unanimous accounts I had 
received, I believed that both snakes and racoons were 
plenty there ; but no doubt they all remained there both 
summer and winter, only the snakes were not to be 
seen in the latter ; yet I did not believe they were trans- 

These islands are but seldom visited ; because early 
in the spring and late in the fall it is dangerous sailing 
in their bark canoes; and in the summer they are so 
infested with various kinds of serpents, (but chiefly 
rattle snakes,) that it is dangerous landing. 

I shall now quit this digression, and return to the 
result of the council at the mouth of the river. We 
concluded to coast it round the lake, and in two days 
we came to the mouth of the Miami of the Lake, and 

84 Col. James Smith. 

landed on cedar point, where we remained several 
days. Here we held a council, and concluded we would 
take a driving hunt in concert, and in partnership. 

The river in this place is about a mile broad, and 
as it and the lake forms a kind of neck, which termi- 
nates in a point, all the hunters (which were fifty- 
three) went up the river, and we scattered ourselves 
from the river to the lake. When we first began to 
move we were not in sight of each other, but as we all 
raised the yell, we could move regularly together by the 
noise. At length we came in sight of each other and 
appeared to be marching in good order; before we 
came to the point, both the squaws and boys in the 
canoes were scattered up the river, and along the 
lake, to prevent the deer from making their escape 
by water. As we advanced near the point the guns 
began to crack slowly; and after some time the firing 
was like a little engagement. The squaws and boys 
were busy tomahawking the deer in the water, and we 
shooting them down on the land: We killed in all 
about thirty deer : tho a great many made their escape 
by water. 

We had now great feasting and rejoicing, as we had 
plenty of homony, venison, and wild fowl. The geese 
at this time appeared to be preparing to move south- 
wardIt might be asked what is meant by the geese 
preparing to move? The Indians represent them as 
holding a great council at this time concerning the 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 85 

weather in order to conclude upon a day, that they 
may all at or near one time leave the Northern Lakes, 
and wing their way to the southern bays. When mat- 
ters are brought to a conclusion and the time appointed 
that they are to take wing, then they say, a great num- 
ber of expresses are sent off, in order to let the dif- 
ferent tribes know the result of this council, that they 
may be all in readiness to move at the time appointed. 
As there is a great commotion among the geese at 
this time, it would appear by their actions, that such 
a council had been held. Certain it is, that they are 
led by instinct to act in concert and to move off regu- 
larly after their leaders. 

Here our company separated. The chief part of 
them went up the Miami river, that empties into Lake 
Erie, at cedar point, whilst we proceeded on our jour- 
ney in company with Tecaughretanego, Tontileaugo, 
and two families of the Wiandots. 

As cold weather was now approaching, we began to 
feel the doleful effects of extravagantly and foolishly 
spending the large quantity of beaver we had taken in 
our last winter's hunt. We were all nearly in the same 
circumstances scarcely one had a shirt to his back; 
but each of us had an old blanket which we belted 
round us in the day, and slept in at night, with a 
deer or bear skin under us for our bed. 

When we came to the falls of Sandusky, we buried 
our birch bark canoes as usual, at a large burying place 

86 Col. James Smith. 

for that purpose, a little below the falls. At this place 
the river falls about eight feet over a rock, but not 
perpendicular. With much difficulty we pushed up 
our wooden canoes, some of us went up the river, and 
the rest by land with the horses, until we came to the 
great meadows or prairies that lie between Sandusky 
and Sciota. 

When we came to this place we met with some Ottawa 
hunters, and agreed with them to take, what they call 
a ring hunt, in partnership. We waited until we ex- 
pected rain was near falling to extinguish the fire, and 
then we kindled a large circle in the prairie. At this 
time, or before the bucks began to run a great number 
of deer lay concealed in the grass, in the day, and 
moved about in the night; but as the fire burned in 
towards the centre of the circle, the deer fled before the 
fire: the Indians were scattered also at some distance 
before the fire, and shot them down every opportunity, 
which was very frequent, especially as the circle be- 
came small. When we came to divide the deer, there 
were above ten to each hunter, which were all killed 
in a few hours. The rain did not come on that night 
to put out the out-side circle of the fire, and as the 
wind arose, it extended thro the whole prairie, which 
was about fifty miles in length, and in some places near 
twenty in breadth. This put an end to our ring hunt- 
ing this season, and was in other respects an injury 
to us in the hunting business; so that upon the whole 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 87 

we received more harm than benefit by our rapid hunt- 
ing frolic. We then moved from the north end of the 
glades, and encamped at the carrying place. 

This place is in the plains betwixt a creek that emp- 
ties into Sandusky, and one that runs into Sciota : and 
at the time of high water, or in the spring season, there 
is but about one half mile of portage, and that very 
level, and clear of rocks, timber or stones ; so that with 
a little digging there may be water carriage the whole 
way from Sciota to Lake Erie. 

From the mouth of Sandusky to the falls is chiefly 
first rate land, lying flat or level, intermixed with large 
bodies of clear meadows, where the grass is exceeding 
rank, and in many places three or four feet high. The 
timber is oak, hickory, walnut, cherry, black-ash, elm, 
sugar-tree, buckeye, locust and beech. In some places 
there is wet timber land the timber in these places 
is chiefly water-ash, sycamore, or button-wood. 

From the falls to the prairies, the land lies well to 
the sun, it is neither too flat nor too hilly and chiefly 
first rate. The timber nearly the same as below the 
falls, excepting the water-ash. There is also here, 
some plats of beech land, that appears to be second 
rate, as it frequently produces spice-wood. The prairie 
appears to be a tolerable fertile soil, tho in many 
places too wet for cultivation ; yet I apprehend it would 
produce timber, were it only kept from fire. 

The Indians are of the opinion* that the squirrels 

88 Col. James Smith. 

plant all the timber; as they bury a number of nuts 
for food, and only one at a place. When a squirrel is 
killed the various kinds of nuts thus buried will grow. 

I have observed that when these prairies have only 
escaped fire for one year, near where a single tree 
stood, there was a young growth of timber supposed 
to be planted by the squirrels ; but when the prairies 
were again burned, all this young growth was imme- 
diately consumed; as the fire rages in the grass, to 
such a pitch, that numbers of racoons are thereby 
burned to death. 

On the west side of the prairie, or betwixt that and 
Sciota, there is a large body of first rate land the 
timber, walnut, locust, sugar-tree, buckeye, cherry, ash, 
elm, mulberry, plumb trees, spicewood, black-haw, red- 
haw, oak and hickory. 

About the time the bucks quit running, Tontileaugo 
his wife and children, Tecaughretanego, his son Nun- 
gany and myself left the Wiandot camps at the carry- 
ing place, and crossed the Sciota river at the south end 
of the glades, and proceeded on about a south-west 
course to a large creek called Ollentangy, which I be- 
lieve interlocks with the waters of the Miami, and 
empties into Sciota on the west side thereof. From 
the south end of the prairie to Ollentangy, there is a 
large quantity of beech land, intermixed with first rate 
land. Here we made our winter hut, and had con- 
siderable success in. hunting. 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 8i> 

After some time one of Tontileaugo 's step-sons, (a 
lad about eight years of age) offended him, and he 
gave the boy a moderate whipping, which much dis- 
pleased his Wiandot wife. She acknowledged that the 
boy was guilty of a fault, but thought that he ought 
to have been ducked, which is their usual mode of 
chastisement. She said she could not bear to have her 
son whipped like a servant or slave and she was so 
displeased that when Tontileaugo went out to hunt, she 
got her two horses, and all her effects, (as in this 
country the husband and wife have separate interests) 
and moved back to the Wiandot camps that we had 

When Tontileaugo returned, he was much disturbed 
on hearing of his wife's elopement, and said that he 
would never go after her were it not that he was afraid 
that she would get bewildered, and that his children 
that she had taken with her, might suffer. Tontileaugo 
went after his wife, and when they met they made up 
the quarrel, and he never returned ; but left Tecaughre- 
tanego and his son, (a boy about ten years of age) 
and myself, who remained here in our hut all winter. 

Tecaughretanego who had been a first rate warior, 
statesman and hunter; and though he was now near 
sixty years of age, he was yet equal to the common 
run of hunters, but subject to the rheumatism, which 
deprived him of the use of his legs. 

Shortly after Tontileaugo left us, Tecaughretanego 

90 Col. James Smith. 

became lame, and could scarcely walk out of our hut 
for two months. I had considerable success in hunting 
and trapping. Though Tecaughretanego endured much 
pain and misery, yet he bore it all with wonderful 
patience, and would often endeavor to entertain me 
with chearful conversation. Sometimes he would ap- 
plaud me for my diligence, skill and activity and at 
other times he would take great care in giving me 
instructions concerning the hunting and trapping busi- 
ness. He would also tell me that if I failed of success, 
we would suffer very much, as we were about forty 
miles from any one living, that we knew of; yet he 
would not intimate that he apprehended we were in 
any danger, but still supposed that I was fully adequate 
to the talk. 

Tontileaugo left us a little before Christmas, and 
from that until some time in February, we had always 
plenty of bear meat, venison, &c. During this time I 
killed much more than we could use, but having no 
horses to carry in what I killed, I left part of it in 
the woods. In February there came a snow, with a 
crust, which made a great noise when walking on it, 
and frightened away the deer ; and as bear and beaver 
were scarce here, we got entirely out of provision. 
After I had hunted two days without eating any thing, 
and had very short allowance for some days before, 
I returned late in the evening faint and weary. When 
I came into our hut, Tecaughretanego asked what sue- 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 91 

<?ess? I told him not any. He asked me if I was not 
very hungry ? I replied that the keen appetite seemed 
to be in some measure removed, but I was both faint 
and weary. He commanded Nunganey his little son, 
to bring me something to eat, and he brought me a 
kettle with some bones and broth, after eating a few 
mouthfuls my appetite violently returned, and I 
thought the victuals had a most agreeable realish, 
though it was only fox and wildcat bones, which lay 
about the camp, which the ravens and turkey-buzzards 
had picked these Nunganey had collected and boiled, 
until the sinews that remained on the bones would 
strip off. I speedily finished my allowance, such as it 
was, and when I had ended my sweet repast, Tecaugh- 
retanego asked me how I felt? I told him that I was 
much refreshed. He then handed me his pipe and 
pouch and told me to take a smoke. I did so. He 
then said he had something of importance to tell me, 
if I was now composed and ready to hear it. I told 
him that I was ready to hear him. He said the reason 
why he deferred his speech till now, was because few 
men are in a right humor to hear good talk, when they 
are extremely hungry, as they are then generally fret- 
ful and discomposed ; but as you appear now to enjoy 
calmness and serenity of mind, I will now communicate 
to you the thoughts of my heart, and those things that 
I know to be time. 

92 Col. James Smith. 


"As you have lived with the white people, you have 
not had the same advantage of knowing that the great 
being above feeds his people, and gives them their 
meat in due season, as we Indians have, who are fre- 
quently out of provisions, and yet are wonderfully sup- 
plied, and that so frequently that it is evidently the 
hand of the great Owaneeyo* that doth this : whereas 
the white people have commonly large stocks of tame 
cattle, that they can kill when they please, and also 
their barns and cribs filled with grain, and therefore 
have not the same opportunity of seeing and knowing 
that they are supported by the ruler of Heaven and 


"I know that you are now afraid that we will all 
perish with hunger, but you have no just reason to 
fear this. 


"I have been young, but am now old I have been 
frequently under the like circumstance that we now 
are, and that some time or other in almost every year 
of my life; yet, I have hitherto been supported, and 
my wants supplied in time of need. 


"Owaneeyo some times suffers us to be in want, in 

* This is the name of God, in their tongue, and signifies the 
owner and ruler of all things. 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 93 

order to teach us our dependence upon him, and to let 
us know that we are to love and serve him: and like- 
wise to know the worth of the favors that we receive, 
and to make us more thankful. 


11 Be assured that you will be supplied with food, 
and that just in the right time; but you must continue 
diligent in the use of means go to sleep, and rise early 
in the morning and go a hunting be strong and exert 
yourself like a man, and the great spirit will direct 
your way." 

The next morning I went out, and steered about an 
east course. I proceeded on slowly for about five 
miles, and saw deer frequently, but as the crust on the 
snow made a great noise, they were always running 
before I spied them, so that I could not get a shoot. A 
violent appetite returned, and I became intolerably 
hungry; it was now that I concluded I would run off 
to Pennsylvania, my native country. As the snow was 
on the ground, and Indian hunters almost the whole 
of the way before me, I had but a poor prospect of 
making my escape; but my case appeared desperate. 
If I staid here I thought I would perish with hunger, 
and if I met with Indians, they could but kill me. 

I then proceeded on as fast as I could walk, and when 
I got about ten or twelve miles from our hut, I came 
upon fresh buff aloe tracks, I pursued after, and in a 
short time came in sight of them, as they were passing 

9-t Col. James Smith. 

through a small glade I ran with all my might, and 
headed them, where I lay in ambush, and killed a very 
large cow. I immediately kindled a fire and began to 
roast meat, but could not wait until it was done I ate 
it almost raw. When hunger was abated I began to be 
tenderly concerned for my old Indian brother, and the 
little boy I had left in a perishing condition. I made 
haste and packed up what meat I could carry, secured 
what I left from the wolves, and returned homewards. 

I scarcely thought on the old man's speech while I 
was almost distracted with hunger, but on my return 
was much affected with it, reflected on myself for my 
hard-heartedness and ingratitude, in attempting to run 
off and leave the venerable old man and little boy to 
perish with hunger. I also considered how remarkably 
the old man's speech had been verified in our provi- 
dentially obtaining a supply. I thought also of that 
part of his speech which treated of the fractious dispo- 
sitions of hungry people, which was the only excuse I 
had for my base inhumanity, in attempting to leave 
them in the most deplorable situation. 

As it was moon-light, I got home to our hut, and 
found the old man in his usual good humor. Pie 
thanked me for my exertion, and bid me sit down, as I 
must certainly be fatigued, and he commanded Xun- 
ganey to make haste and cook. I told him I would cook 
for him, and let the boy lay some meat on the coals, 
for himself which he did, but ate it almost raw, as I 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 95 

had done. I immediately hung on the kettle with some 
water, and cut the beef in thin slices, and put them in : 
when it had boiled awhile, I proposed taking it off 
the fire, but the old man replied, "let it be done 
enough." This he said in as patient and unconcerned 
a manner, as if he had not wanted one single meal. He 
commanded Nunganey to eat no more beef at that 
time, least he might hurt himself; but told him to sit 
down, and after some time he might sup some broth 
this command he reluctantly obeyed. 

When we were all refreshed, Tecaughretanego de- 
livered a speech upon the necessity and pleasure of 
receiving the necessary supports of life with thankful- 
ness, knowing that Owaneeyo is the great giver. Such 
speeches from an Indian, may be tho't by those who 
are unacquainted with them, altogether incredible ; but 
when we reflect on the Indian war, we may readily con- 
clude that they are not an ignorant or stupid sort of 
people, or they would not have been such fatal enemies. 
When they came into our country they outwitted us 
and when we sent armies into their country, they out- 
generalled, and beat us with inferior force. Let us 
also take into consideration that Tecaughretanego was 
no common person, but was among the Indians, as 
Socrates in the ancient Heathen world ; and it may be, 
equal to him if not in wisdom and learning, yet, per- 
haps in patience and fortitude. Notwithstanding 
Tecaughretanego 's uncommon natural abilities, yet in 

'96 Col. James Smith. 

the sequel of this history you will see the deficiency 
of the light of nature, unaided by revelation, in this 
truly great man. 

The next morning Tecaughretanego desired me to go 
back and bring another load of buffaloe beef: As I 
proceeded to do so, about five miles from our hut I 
found a bear tree. As a sapling, grew near the tree, 
and reached near the hole that the bear went in at, I 
got dry dozed or rotten wood, that would catch and 
hold fire almost as well as spunk. This wood I tied up 
in bunches, fixed them on my back, and then climbed 
up the sapling, and with a pole, I put them touched 
with fire, into the hole, and then came down and took 
my gun in my hand. After some time the bear came 
out, and I killed and skinned it, packed up a load of the 
meat, (after securing the remainder from the wolves) 
and returned home before night. On my return my 
old brother and his son were much rejoiced at my suc- 
cess. After this we had plenty of provision. 

We remained here until some time in April 1758. 
At this time Tecaughretanego had recovered so, that he 
could walk about. We made a bark canoe, embarked, 
and went down Ollentangy some distance, but the water 
being low, we were in danger of splitting our canoe 
upon the rocks: therefore Techaughretanego concluded 
we would encamp on shore, and pray for rain. 

When we encamped, Tecaughretanego made himself 
a sweat-house; which he did by sticking a number of 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 97 

hoops in the ground, each hoop forming a semi-circle 
this he covered all round with blankets and skins; he 
then prepared hot stones, which he rolled into this hut, 
and then went into it himself, with a little kettle of 
water in his hand, mixed with a variety of herbs, which 
he had formerly cured, and had now with him in his 
pack they afforded an odoriferous perfume. When 
he was in, he told me to pull down the blankets behind 
him, and cover all up close, which I did, and then he 
began to pour water upon the hot stones, and to sing 
aloud. He continued in this vehement hot place about 
fifteen minutes : all this he did in order to purify him- 
self before he would address the Supreme Being. 
When he came out of his sweat-house, he began to burn 
tobacco and to pray. He began each petition with oh, 
lio, ho, ho, which is a kind of aspiration, and signifies 
an ardent wish. I observed that all his petitions were 
only for immediate, or present temporal blessings. He 
began his address by thanksgiving, in the following 
manner : 

"O great being { I thank thee that I have obtained 
the use of my legs again that I am now able to walk 
about and kill turkeys, &c. without feeling exquisite 
pain and misery : I know that thou art a hearer and a 
helper, and therefore I will call upon thee. 

11 Oil, ho, ho, ho, 

1 ' Grant that my knees and ancles may be right well, 


98 Col. James Smith. 

and that I may be able, not only to walk, but to run, 
and to jump logs, as I did last fall. 

' ' Oh, ho, ho, ho, 

"Grant that on this voyage we may frequently kill 
bears, as they may be crossing the Sciota and San- 

' ' Oh, ho, ho, ho, 

"Grant that we may kill plenty of Turkeys along 
the banks, to stew with our fat bear meat. 

"Oh, ho, ho, ho, 

"Grant that rain may come to raise the Ollentangy 
about two or three feet, that we may cross in safety 
down to Sciota, without danger of our canoe being 
wrecked on the rocks; and now, great being! thou 
knowest how matters stand thou knowest that I am a 
great lover of tobacco, and though I know not when I 
may get any more, I now make a present of the last I 
have unto thee, as a free burnt offering; therefore I 
expect thou wilt hear and grant these requests, and I 
thy servant will return thee thanks, and love thee for 
thy gifts." 

During the whole of this scene I sat by Tecaughre- 
tanego, and as he went through it with the greatest 
solemnity, I was seriously affected with his prayers. I 
remained duly composed until he came to the burning 
of the tobacco, and as I knew that he was a great lover 
of it, and saw him cast the last of it into the fire, it 
excited in me a kind of meriment, and I insensibly 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 99 

smiled. Tecaughretanego observed me laughing, which 
displeased him, and occasioned him to address me in 
the following manner. 


"I have somewhat to say to you, and I hope you 
will not be offended when I tell you of your faults. 
You know that when you were reading your books in 
town, I would not let the boys or any one disturb 
you; but now when I was praying, I saw you laughing. 
I do not think that you look upon praying as a foolish 
thing; I believe you pray yourself. But perhaps you 
may think my mode, or manner of prayer foolish; if 
so, you ought in a friendly manner to instruct me, and 
not make sport of sacred things." 

I acknowledged my error, and on this he handed me 
his pipe to smoke, in token of friendship and recon- 
ciliation ; though at that time he had nothing to smoke, 
but red-willow bark. I told him something of the 
method of reconcilation with an offended God, as re- 
vealed in my Bible, which I had then in possession. 
He said that he liked my story better than that of the 
French priests, but he thought that he was now too old 
to begin to learn a new religion, therefore he should 
continue to worship God in the way that he had been 
taught, and that if salvation or future happiness was to 
be had in his way of worship, he expected he would 
obtain it, and if it was inconsistent with the honor of 
the great spirit to accept of him in his own way of wor- 

100 Col. James Smith. 

ship, he hoped that Owaneeyo would accept of him in 
the way I had mentioned, or in some other way, though 
he might now be ignorant of the channel through which 
favor or mercy might be conveyed. He said that he 
believed that Owaneeyo would hear and help every one 
that sincerely waited upon him. 

Here we may see how far the light of nature could 
go ; perhaps we see it here almost in its highest extent. 
Notwithstanding the just views that this great man en- 
tertained of Providence, yet we now see him (though he 
acknowledged his guilt) expecting to appease the Deity, 
and procure his favor, by burning a little tobacco. We 
may observe that all Heathen nations, as far as we can 
find out either by tradition or the light of Nature, 
agree with Bevel ation in this, that sacrifice is necessary, 
or that some kind of atonement is to be made, in 
order to remove guilt, and reconcile them to God. 
This, accompanied with numberless other witnesses, 
is sufficient evidence of the rationality the truth of 
the Scriptures. 

A few days after Tecaughretanego had gone through 
his ceremonies, and finished his prayers, the rain came 
and raised the creek a sufficient height, so that we 
passed in safety down to Sciota, and proceeded up to 
the carrying place. Let us now describe the land on 
this route, from our winter hut, and down Ollentangy 
to the Sciota, and up it to the carrying place. 

About our winter cabbin is chiefly first and second 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 101 

rate land. A considerable way up Ollentangy on the 
southwest side thereof, or betwixt it and the Miami, 
there is a very large prairie, and from this prairie 
down Ollentangy to Sciota, is generally first rate land. 
The timber is walnut, sugar-tree, ash, buckeye, locust, 
wild-cherry, and spice-wood, intermixed with some oak 
and beech. From the mouth of Ollentangy on the east 
side of Sciota, up to the carrying place, there is a large 
body of first and second rate land, and tolerably well 
watered. The timber is ash, sugar-tree, walnut, locust, 
oak, and beech. Up near the carrying place, the land 
is a little hilly, but the soil good. 

We proceeded from this place down Sandusky, and 
in our passage we killed four bears, and a number of 
turkeys. Tecaughrentanego appeared now fully per- 
suaded that all this came in answer to his prayers and 
who can say with any degree of certainty that it was 
not so? 

"When we came to the little lake at the mouth of San- 
dusky we called at a Wiandot town that was then there, 
called Sunyendeand. Here we diverted ourselves sev- 
eral days, by catching rock-fish in a small creek, the 
name of which is also Sunyendeand, which signifies 
Rock-Fish. They fished in the night, with lights, and 
struck the fish with giggs or spears. The rock-fish here, 
when they begin first to run up the creek to spawn, are 
exceeding fat, and sufficient to fry themselves. The 



102 Col. James Smith. 

first night we scarcely caught fish, enough for present 
use, for all that was in the town. 

The next morning I met with a prisoner at this place, 
by the name of Thompson, who had been taken from 
Virginia: he told me if the Indians would only omit 
disturbing the fish for one night, he could catch more 
fish than the whole town could make use of. I told 
Mr. Thompson that if he was certain that he could do 
this, that I would use my influence with the Indians, to 
let the fish alone for one night. I applied to the chiefs, 
who agreed to my proposal and said they were anxious 
to see what the Great Knife (as they call the Virgin- 
ian) could do. Mr. Thompson, with the assistance of 
some other prisoners, set to work, and made a hoop net 
of Elm bark: they then cut down a tree across the 
creek, and stuck in stakes at the lower side of it, to pre- 
vent the fish from .passing up, leaving only a gap at 
the one side of the creek : here he sat with his net, and 
when he felt the fish touch the net he drew it up, and 
frequently would hawl out two or three rock-fish that 
would weigh about five or six pounds each. He con- 
tinued at this until he had hawled out about a waggon 
load, and then left the gap open, in order to let them 
pass up, for they could not go far, on account of the 
shallow water. Before day Mr. Thompson shut it up, 
to prevent them from passing down, in order to let the 
Indians have some diversion in killing them in daylight. 

When the news of the fish came to town, the Indians 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 103 

all collected, and with surprise beheld the large heap of 
fish, and applauded the ingenuity of the Virginian. 
When they saw the number of them that were confined 
in the water above the tree, the young Indians ran 
back to the town, and in a short time returned with 
'their spears, giggs, bows and arrows, &c. and were the 
chief of that day engaged in killing rock-fish, insomuch 
that we had more than we could use or preserve. As 
we had no salt, or any way to keep them, they lay upon 
the banks, and after some time great numbers of 
turkey-buzzards and eagles collected together and de- 
voured them. 

Shortly after this we left Sunyendeand, and in three 
days arrived at Detroit, where we remained this sum- 

Some time in May we heard that General Forbes, 
with seven thousand men was preparing to carry on a 
campaign against Fort DuQuesne, which then stood 
near where Fort Pitt was afterwards erected. Upon 
receiving this news a number of runners were sent off 
by the French commander at Detroit, to urge the dif- 
ferent tribes of Indian warriors to repair to Fort Du- 

Some time in July 1758, the Ottowas, Jibewas, Poto- 
watomies and Wiandots rendezvoused at Detroit, and 
marched off to Fort DuQuesne, to prepare for the en- 
counter of General Forbes. The common report was, 
that they would serve him as they did General Brad- 

104 Col. James Smith. 

dock, and obtain much plunder. From this time, until 
fall, we had frequent accounts of Forbes 's army, by 
Indian runners that were sent out to watch their 
motion. They spied them frequently from the moun- 
tains ever after they left Fort Loudon. Notwithstand- 
ing their vigilence, colonel Grant with his Highlanders 
stole a march upon them, and in the night took possess- 
ion of a hill about eighty rod from Fort DuQuesne: 
this hill is on that account called Grant's hill to this 
day* The French and Indians knew not that Grant 
and his men were there until they beat the drum and 
played upon the bag-pipes, just at day-light. They 
then flew to arms, and the Indians ran up under covert 
of the banks of Allegheny and Monongahela, for some 
distance, and then sallied out from the banks of the 
rivers, and took possession of the hill above Grant; 
and as he was on the point of it in sight of the fort, 
they immediately surrounded him, and as he had his 
Highlanders in ranks, and very close order, and the 
Indians scattered, and concealed behind trees, they 
defeated him with the loss only of a few warriors: 
most of the Highlanders were killed or taken prisoners. 
After this defeat the Indians held a council, but were 
divided in their opinions. Some said that general 
Forbes would now turn back, and go home the way 
that he came, as Dunbar had done when General Brad- 
dock was defeated : others supposed he would come on. 
The French urged the Indians to stay and see the event : 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 105 

but as it was hard for the Indians to be absent from 
their squaws and children, at this season of the year, a 
great many of them returned home to their hunting. 
After this, the remainder of the Indians, some French 
regulars, and a number of Canadians, marched off in 
quest of General Forbes. They met his army near 
Fort Ligoneer, and attacked them, but were frustrated 
in their design. They said that Forbes 's men were be- 
ginning to learn the art of war, and that there were a 
great number of American riflemen along with the red- 
coats, who scattered out, took trees, and were good 
marks-men ; therefore they found they could not accom- 
plish their design, and were obliged to retreat. When 
they returned from the battle to 'Fort DuQuesne, the- 
Indians concluded that they would go to their hunting. 
The French endeavored to persuade them to stay and 
try another battle. The Indians said if it was only the 
red-coats they had to do with, they could soon subdue 
them, but they could not withstand Ashalecoa, or the- 
Great Knife, which was the name they gave the Virgin- 
ians. They then returned home to their hunting, and 
the French evacuated the fort, which General Forbes 
came and took possession of without further opposi- 
tion, late in the year 1758, and at this time began to 
build Fort Pitt. 

When Tecaughretanego had heard the particulars 
of Grant's defeat, he said that he could not well account 
for his contradictory and inconsistent conduct. He 

106 Col. James Smith. 

said as the art of war consists in ambushing and sur- 
prising our enemies, and in preventing them from am- 
bushing and surprising us; Grant, in the first place, 
acted like a wise and experienced officer, in artfully ap- 
proaching in the night without being discovered; but 
^vhen he came to the place, and the Indians were lying 
asleep outside of the fort, between him and the 
Allegheny river, in place of slipping up quietly, and 
falling upon them with their broad swords, they beat 
the drums and played upon the bag-pipes. He said he 
could account for this inconsistent conduct no other 
way than by supposing that he had made too free with 
spirituous liquors during the night, and became in- 
toxicated about day-light. But to return : 

This year we hunted up Sandusky, and down Sciota, 
took nearly the same route that we had done the last 
hunting season. We had considerable success, and re- 
turned to Detroit some time in April 1759. 

Shortly after this, Tecaughretanego, his son 
Nungany and myself, went from Detroit, (in an elm 
bark canoe) to Caughnewaga, a very ancient Indian 
town, about nine miles above Montreal, where I re- 
mained until about the first of July. I then heard of a 
French ship at Montreal that had English prisoners on 
board, in order to carry them over sea, and exchange 
them. I went privately off from the Indians, and got 
also on board; but as general Wolfe had stopped the 
River St. Laurence, we were all sent to prison at 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 107 

Montreal, where I remained four months. Some time 
in November we were all sent off from this place to 
Crown Point, and exchanged. 

Early in the year 1760, I came home to Conoco- 
cheague, and found that my people could never ascer- 
tain whether I was killed or taken, until my return. 
They received me with great joy, but were surprised to 
see me so much like an Indian, both in my gait and 

Upon enquiry, I found that my sweet-heart was mar- 
ried a few days before I arrived. My feelings I must 
leave on this occasion, for those of my readers to judge, 
who have felt the pangs of disappointed love, as it is 
impossible now for me to describe the emotion of soul I 
felt at that time. 

Now there was peace with the Indians which lasted 
until the year 1763. Sometime in May, this year, I 
married, and about that time the Indians again com- 
menced hostilities, and were busily engaged in killing 
and scalping the frontier inhabitants in various parts 
of Pennsylvania. The whole Conococheague Valley, 
from the North to the South Mountain, had been 
-almost entirely evacuated during Braddock's war. 
This state was then a Quaker government, and at the 
first of this war the frontiers received no assistance 
from the state. As the people were now beginning to 
live at home again, they thought hard to be drove away 
a second time, and were determined if possible, to make 

108 Col. James Smith. 

a stand: therefore they raised as much money by col- 
lections and subscriptions, as would pay a company of 
rifle-men for several months. The subscribers met and 
elected a committee to manage the business. The com- 
mittee appointed me captain of this company of rang- 
ers, and gave me the appointment of my subalterns. 
I chose two of the most active young men that I could 
find, who had also been long in captivity with the In- 
dians. As we enlisted our men, we dressed them uni- 
formly in the Indian manner, with breech-clouts, 
leggins, mockesons and green shrouds, which we wore 
in the same manner that the Indians do, and nearly as 
the Highlanders wear their plaids. In place of hats 
we wore red handkerchiefs, and painted our faces red 
and black, like Indian warriors. I taught them the 
Indian discipline, as I knew of no other at that time, 
which would answer the purpose much better than 
British. We succeeded beyond expectation in defend- 
ing the frontiers, and were extolled by our employers. 
Near the conclusion of this expedition, I accepted of an 
ensign's commission in the regular service, under King 
George, in what was then called the Pennsylvania line. 
Upon my resignation, my lieutenant succeeded me in 
command, the rest of the time they were to serve. In 
the fall (the same year) I went on the Susquehannah 
campaign, against the Indians, under the command of 
General Armstrong. In this route we burnt the Del a- 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 109 

ware and Monsey towns, on the West Branch of the 
Susquehannah, and destroyed all their corn. 

In the year 1764, I received a lieutenant's com- 
mission, and went out on General Bouquet's campaign 
against the Indians on the Muskingum. Here we 
brought them to terms, and promised to be at peace 
with them, upon condition that they would give up all 
our people that they had then in captivity among them. 
They then delivered unto us three hundred of the 
prisoners, and said that they could not collect them all 
at this time, as it was now late in the year, and they 
were far scattered ; but they promised that they would 
bring them all into Fort Pitt early next spring, and as 
security that they would do this, they delivered to us 
six of their chiefs, as hostages. Upon this we settled 
a cessation of arms for six months, and promised upon 
their fulfilling the aforesaid condition, to make with 
them a permanent peace. 

A little below Fort Pitt the hostages all made their 
escape. Shortly after this the Indians stole horses, 
and killed some people on the frontiers. The king's 
proclamation was then circulating and set up in various 
public places, prohibiting any person from trading with 
the Indians, until further orders. 

Notwithstanding all this, about the first of March 
1765, a number of waggons loaded with Indian goods, 
and warlike stores, were sent from Philadelphia to 
Henry Pollen's, Conococheague, and from thence 

110 Col. James Smith. 

seventy pack-horses were loaded with these goods, in 
order to carry them to Fort Pitt. This alarmed the 
country, and Mr. William Duffield raised about fifty 
armed men, and met the pack-horses at the place where 
Mercersburg now stands. Mr. Duffield desired the em- 
ployers to store up their goods, and not proceed until 
further orders. They made light of this, and went over 
the North Mountain, where they lodged in a small 
valley called the Great Cove. Mr. Duffield and his 
party followed after, and came to their lodging, and 
again urged them to store up their goods : He 
reasoned with them on the impropriety of their pro- 
ceedings, and the great danger the frontier inhabitants 
would be exposed to, if the Indians should now get a 
supply: He said as it was well known that they had 
scarcely any amunition, and were almost naked, to sup- 
ply them now, would be a kind of murder, and would be 
illegally trading at the expense of the blood and treas- 
ure of the frontiers. Notwithstanding his powerful 
reasoning, these traders made game of what he said, 
and would only answer him by ludicrous burlesque. 

When I beheld this, and found that Mr. Duffield 
would not compel them to store up their goods, I col- 
lected ten of my old warriors that I had formerly dis- 
ciplined in the Indian way, went off privately, after 
night, and encamped in the woods. The next day, as 
usual, we blacked and painted, and waylayed them near 
Sidelong Hill. I scattered my men about forty rod 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. Ill 

along the side of the road, and ordered every two to. 
take a tree, and about eight or ten rod between each 
couple, with orders to keep a reserve fire, one not ta 
fire until his comrade had loaded his gun by this 
means we kept up a constant, slow fire, upon them from 
front to rear: We then heard nothing of these trad- 
er's merriment or burlesque. When they saw their 
pack-horses falling close by them, they called out pray 
gentlemen, what would you have us to do? The reply 
was, collect all your loads to the front, and unload them 
in one place; take your private property, and im- 
mediately retire. When they were gone, we burnt 
what they left, which consisted of blankets, shirts, ver- 
million, lead, beads, wampum, tomahawks, scalping 
knives, &c. 

The traders went back to Fort Loudon, and applied 
to the commanding officer there, and got a party of 
Highland soldiers, and went with them in quest of the 
robbers, as they called us, and without applying to a 
magistrate, or obtaining any civil authority, but barely 
upon suspicion, they took a number of creditable per- 
sons prisoners, (who were chiefly not in any way con- 
cerned in this action) and confined them in the guard- 
house in Fort Loudon. I then raised three hundred 
riflemen, marched to Fort Loudon, and encamped on a 
hill in sight of the fort. We were not long there, until 
we had more than double as many of the British troops 
prisoners in our camp, as they had of our people in the 

112 Col. James Smith. 

guard-house. Captain Grant, a Highland officer, who 
commanded Fort Loudon, then sent a flag of truce to 
our camp, where we settled a cartel, and gave them 
above two for one, which enabled us to redeem all our 
men from the guard-house, without further difficulty. 

After this Captain Grant kept a number of rifle 
guns, which the Highlanders had taken from the 
country people, and refused to give them up. As he 
was riding out one day, we took him prisoner, and de- 
tained him until he delivered up the arms ; we also de- 
stroyed a large quantity of gun-powder that the trad- 
ers had stored up, lest it might be conveyed privately 
to the Indians. The king's troops, and our party, had 
now got entirely out of the channel of the civil law, and 
many unjustifiable things were done by both parties. 
This convinced me more than ever I had been before, 
of the absolute necessity of the civil law, in order to 
govern mankind. 

About this time the following song was composed by 
Mr. George Campbell (an Irish gentleman, who had 
been educated in Dublin) and was frequently sung to 
the tune of the Black Joke : 

1. Ye patriot souls who love to sing, 

What serves your country and your king, 

In wealth, peace and royal estate; 
Attention give whilst I rehearse, 
A modern fact, in jingling verse, 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 113 

How party interest strove what it cou'd, 
To profit itself by public blood, 
But justly met its merited fate. 

"2. Let all those Indian traders claim. 

Their just reward, inglorious fame, 

For vile, base and treacherous ends. 

To Pollins, in the spring they sent, 

Much warlike stores, with an intent, 

To carry them to our barbarous foes, 

Expecting that no-body dare oppose, 
A present to their Indian friends. 

3. Astonish 'd at the wild design, 
Frontier inhabitants combin'd, 

With brave souls, to stop their career, 
Although some men apostatiz'd, 
Who first the grand attempt advis'd, 
The bold frontiers they bravely stood, 
To act for their king and their country 's good, 

In joint league, and strangers to fear. 

4. On March the fifth, in sixty-five, 
Their Indian presents did arrive, 

In long pomp and cavalcade, 
Near Sidelong Hill, where in disguise, 
Some patriots did their train surprize, 
And quick as lightning tumbled their loads, 
And kindled them bonfires in the woods, 

And mostly burnt their whole brigade. 

5. At Loudon, when they heard the news, 
They scarcely knew which way to choose, 

For blind rage and discontent ; 
At length some soldiers they sent out, 
With guides for to conduct the route, 

114 Col. James Smith. 

And seized some men that were trav 'ling "there,. 
And hurried them into Loudon where 
They laid them fast with one consent. 

6. But men of resolution thought, 

Too much to see their neighbors caught, 

For no crime but false surmise; 
Forthwith they join'd a warlike band, 
And march 'd to Loudon out of hand, 
And kept the jailors pris'ners there, 
Until our friends enlarged were, 

Without fraud or any disguise. 

7. Let mankind censure or commend, 
This rash performance in the end, 

Then both sides will find their account. 
'Tis true no law can justify, 
To burn our neighbors property, 
But when this property is design 'd, 
To serve the enemies of mankind, 

It's high treason in the amount. 

After this we kept up a guard of men on the fron- 
tiers, for several months, to prevent supplies being 
sent to the Indians, until it was proclaimed that Sir 
William Johnson had made peace with them, and then 
we let the traders pass unmolested. 

In the year 1766, I heard that Sir William Johnson, 
the king's agent for settling affairs with the Indians, 
had purchased from them all the land west of the Ap- 
palachian Mountains, that lay between the Ohio and 
the Cherokee Elver ; and as I knew by conversing with 
the Indians in their own tongue, that there was a large 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 115 

body of rich land there, I concluded I would take a tour 
westward, and explore that country. 

I set out about the last of June, 1766, and went in 
the first place to Holstein Biver, and from thence I 
travelled westward in company with Joshua Horton, 
Uriah Stone, William Baker, and James Smith, who 
came from near Carlisle. There was only four white 
men of us, and a mulatto slave about eighteen years of 
age, that Mr. Horton had with him. We explored the 
country south of Kentucky, and there was no more 
sign of white men there then, than there is now west 
of the head waters of the Missouri. We also explored 
Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers, from Stone's* 
River down to the Ohio. 

When we came to the mouth of Tennessee my fellow 
travellers concluded that they would proceed on to the 
Illinois, and see some more of the land to the west: 
this I would not agree to. As I had already been 
longer from home than what I expected, I thought my 
wife would be distressed, and think I was killed by the 
Indians; therefore I concluded that I would return 
home. I sent my horse with my fellow travellers to 
the Illinois, as it was difficult to take a horse through 
the mountains. My comrades gave me the greatest 

* Stone 's River is a south branch of Cumberland, and 
empties into it above Nashville. "We first gave it this name 
in our journal in May, 1767, after one of my fellow travellers, 
Mr. Uriah Stone, and I am told that it retains the same name 
unto this day. 

116 Col. James Smith. 

part of the amunition they then had, which amounted 
only to half a pound of powder, and lead equivalent. 
Mr. Horton also lent me his mulatto boy, and I then 
set off through the wilderness, for Carolina. 

About eight days after I left my company at the 
mouth of Tennessee, on my journey eastward, I got a 
cane stab, in my foot, which occasioned my leg to swell, 
and I suffered much pain. I was now in a doleful situ- 
ationfar from any of the human species, excepting 
black Jamie, or the savages, and I knew not when I 
might meet with them my case appeared desperate, 
and I thought something must be done. All the 
surgical instruments I had, was a knife, a mockason 
awl, and a pair of bullit moulds with these I deter- 
mined to draw the snag from my foot, if possible. I 
struck the awl in the skin, and with the knife I cut the 
flesh away from around the cane, and then I com- 
manded the mulatto fellow to catch it with the bullit 
moulds, and pull it out, which he did. When I saw it, 
it seemed a shocking thing to be in any person's foot; 
it will therefore be supposed that I was very glad to 
have it out. The black fellow attended upon me, and 
obeyed my directions faithfully. I ordered him to 
search for Indian medicine, and told him to get me a 
quantity of bark from the root of a lynn tree, which 
I made him beat on a stone, with a tomahawk, and boil 
it in a kettle, and with the ooze I bathed my foot and 
leg: what remained when I had finished bathing, 1 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 117 

boiled to a jelly, and made poultices thereof. As I had 
no rags, I made use of the green moss that grows upon 
logs, and wrapped it round with elm bark: by this 
means (simple as it may seem) the swelling and in- 
flamation in a great measure abated. As stormy 
weather appeared, I ordered Jamie to make us a 
shelter, which he did by erecting forks and poles, and 
covering them over with cane tops, like a fodder-house. 
It was but about one hundred yards from a large 
buffaloe road. As we were almost out of provision, 1 
commanded Jamie to take my gun, and I went along 
as well as I could, concealed myself near the road, and 
killed a buffaloe. When this was done, we jirked* the 
lean, and fryed the tallow out of the fat meat, which 
we kept to stew with our jirk as we needed it. 

While I lay at this place, all the books I had to read, 
was a Psalm Book, and Watts upon Prayer. Whilst 
in this situation I composed the following verses, which 
I then frequently sung. 

1. Six weeks I've in this desart been, 

"With one mulatto lad, 
Excepting this poor stupid slave, 
No company I had. 


* Jirk is a name well known by the hunters, and frontier 
inhabitants, for meat cut in small pieces and laid on a 
scaffold, over a slow fire, whereby it is roasted till it is 
thoroughly dry. 

118 Col. James Smith. 

2. In solitude I here remain, 

A cripple very sore, 
No friend or neighbor to be found, 
My case for to deplore. 

3. I'm far from home, far from the wife, 

Which in my bosom lay, 
Far from my children dear, which used 
Around me for to play. 

4. This doleful circumstance cannot 

My happiness prevent, 
While peace of conscience I enjoy, 
Great comfort and content. 

I continued in this place until I could walk slowly, 
without crutches. As I now lay near a great buff aloe 
road, I was afraid that the Indians might be passing 
that way, and discover my fire-place, therefore I moved 
off some distance, where I remained until I killed an 
elk. As my foot was yet sore, I concluded that I would 
stay here until it was healed, lest by travelling too soon 
it might again be inflamed. 

In a few weeks after, I proceeded on, and in October 
I arrived in Carolina. I had now been eleven months 
in the wilderness, and during this time I neither saw 
bread, money, women, or spirituous liquors ; and three 
months of which I saw none of the human species, ex- 
cept Jamie. 

When I came into the settlement my clothes were al- 
most worn out, and the boy had nothing on him that 
ever was spun. He had buck-skin leggins, mockasons, 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 119 

and breech-clout a bear-skin dressed with the hair on, 
which he belted about him, and a racoon-skin cap. I 
had not travelled far after I came in before I was 
strictly examined by the inhabitants. I told them the 
truth, and where I came from, &c. but my story ap- 
peared so strange to them, that they did not believe 
me. They said they had never heard of any one coming 
through the mountains from the mouth of Tennessee; 
and if any one would undertake such a journey, surely 
no man would lend him his slave. They said that they 
thought that all I had told them were lies, and on sus- 
picion they took me into custody, and set a guard over 

While I was confined here, I met with a reputable 
old acquaintance, who voluntarily became my voucher; 
and also told me of a number of my acquaintances that 
now lived near this place, who had moved from Penn- 
sylvaniaOn this being made public, I was liberated. 
I went to a magistrate, and obtained a pass, and one of 
my old acquaintances made me a present of a shirt. I 
then cast away my old rags, and all the clothes I now 
had was an old beaver hat, buck-skin leggins, mocka- 
sons, and a new shirt; also an old blanket, which I com- 
monly carried on my back in good weather. Being 
thus equipped, I marched on, with my white shirt loose, 
and Jamie with his bear-skin about him: myself ap- 
pearing white, and Jamie very black, alarmed the dogs 
where-ever we came, so that they barked violently. 

120 , Col. James Smith. 

The people frequently came out and asked nie where we 
came from, &c. I told them the truth, but they, for the 
most part suspected my story, and I generally had to- 
shew them my pass. In this way I came on to Fort 
Chissel, where I left Jamie at Mr. Horton's negro- 
quarter, according to promise. I went from thence to> 
Mr. George Adams's, on Eeed Creek, where I had 
lodged, and where I had left my clothes, as I was go- 
ing out from home. When I dressed myself in good 
clothes, and mounted on horseback, no man ever asked 
me for a pass ; therefore I concluded that a hor se- thief ,, 
or even a robber might pass without interruption, pro- 
vided he was only well-dressed, whereas the shabby 
villain would be immediately detected. 

I returned home to Conococheague, in the fall 1767. 
When I arrived, I found that my wife and friends had 
despaired of ever seeing me again, as they had heard 
that I was killed by the Indians, and my horse brought 
into one of the Cherokee towns. 

In the year 1769, the Indians again made incursions 
on the frontiers; yet, the traders continued carrying 
goods and warlike stores to them. The frontiers took 
the alarm, and a number of persons collected, destroyed 
and plundered a quantity of their powder, lead, &c, in 
Bedford county. Shortly after this, some of these 
persons, with others, were apprehended and laid in 
irons in the guard-house in Fort Bedford, on suspicion 
of being the perpetrators of this crime. 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 121 

Though I did not altogether approve of the conduct 
of this new club of black-boys, yet I concluded that 
they should not lie in irons in the guard-house, or re- 
main in confinement, by arbitrary or military power. 
I resolved therefore, if possible, to release them, if they 
even should be tried by the civil law afterwards. I col- 
lected eighteen of my old black-boys, that I had seen 
tried in the Indian war, &c. I did not desire a large 
party, lest they should be too much alarmed at Bedford, 
and accordingly prepare for us. We marched along th& 
public road in day-light, and made no secret of our 
design: We told those whom we met, that we were 
going to take Fort Bedford, which appeared to them 
a very unlikely story. Before this I made it known to 
one William Thompson, a man whom I could trust,, 
and who lived there: him I employed as a spy, and 
sent him along on horse-back, before, with orders to 
meet me at a certain place near Bedford, one hour be- 
fore day. The next day a little before sun-set we en- 
camped near the crossings of Juniata, about fourteen 
miles from Bedford, and erected tents, as though we 
intended staying all night, and not a man in my com- 
pany knew to the contrary, save myself. Knowing that 
they would hear this in Bedford, and wishing it to be 
the case, I thought to surprize them, by stealing a 

As the moon rose about eleven o'clock, I ordered my 
boys to march, and we went on at the rate of five miles. 

122 Col. James Smith. 

an hour, until we met Thompson at the place appointed. 
He told us that the commanding officer had frequently 
heard of us by travellers, and had ordered thirty men 
upon guard. He said they knew our number, and only 
made game of the notion of eighteen men coming to 
rescue the prisoners, but they did not expect us until 
towards the middle of the day. I asked him if the gate 
was open? He said it was then shut, but he expected 
they would open it as usual, at day-light, as they ap- 
prehended no danger. I then moved my men privately 
up under the banks of Juniata, where we lay concealed 
about one hundred yards from the fort gate. I had 
ordered the men to keep a profound silence, until we 
got into it. I then sent off Thompson again to spy. 
At day-light he returned, and told us that the gate was 
open, and three centinels were standing on the wall 
that the guards were taking a morning dram, and the 
arms standing together in one place. I then concluded 
to rush into the fort, and told Thompson to run before 
me to the arms, we ran with all our might, and as it 
was a misty morning, the centinels scarcely saw us un- 
til we were within the gate, and took possession of the 
arms. Just as we were entering, two of them dis- 
charged their guns, though I do not believe they aimed 
at us. We then raised a shout, which surprized the 
town, though some of them were well pleased with the 
news. We compelled a black-smith to take the irons 
off the prisoners, and then we left the place. This, I 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 123 

believe, was the first British fort in America, that was 
taken by what they called American rebels. 

Some time after this I took a journey westward, in 
order to survey some located land I had on and near 
the Youhogany. As I passed near Bedford, while I 
was walking and leading my horse, I was overtaken by 
some men on horse-back, like travellers. One of them 
asked my name, and on telling it, they immediately 
pulled out their pistols, and presented them at me, 
calling upon me to deliver myself, or I was a dead man. 
I stepped back, presented my rifle, and told them to 
stand off. One of them snapped a pistol at me, and 
another was preparing to shoot, when I fired my 
piece : one of them also fired near the same time, and 
one of my fellow travellers fell. The assailants then 
rushed up, and as my gun was empty, they took and 
tied me. I charged them with killing my fellow travel- 
ler, and told them he was a man that I had accidentally 
met with on the road, that had nothing to do with the 
public quarrel. They asserted that I had killed him. I 
told them that my gun blowed, or made a slow fire- 
that I had her from my face before she went off, or 
I would not have missed my mark ; and from the posi- 
tion my piece was in when it went off, it was not likely 
that my gun killed this man, yet I acknowledged I was 
not certain that it was not so. They then carried me 
to Bedford, laid me in irons in the guard-house, sum- 
moned a jury of the opposite party, and held an in- 

124 Col. James Smith. 

quest. The jury brought me in guilty of wilful murder. 
As they were afraid to keep me long in Bedford, for 
fear of a rescue, they sent me privately through the 
wilderness to Carlisle, where I was laid in heavy irons. 
Shortly after I came here, we heard that a number 
of my old black-boys were coming to tear down the 
jail. I told the sheriff that I would not be rescued, as 
I knew that the indictment was wrong; therefore I 
wished to stand my trial. As I had found the black- 
boys to be always under good command, I expected I 
could prevail on them to return, and therefore wished 
to write to them to this the sheriff readily agreed. I 
wrote a letter to them, with irons on my hands, which 
was immediately sent; but as they had heard that I was 
in irons, they would come on. When we heard they 
were near the town, I told the sheriff I would speak to 
them out of the window, and if the irons were off, I 
made no doubt but I could prevail on them to desist. 
The sheriff ordered them to be taken off, and just as 
they were taken off my hands, the black boys came 
running up to the jail. I went to the window and called 
to them, and they gave attention. I told them as my 
indictment was for wilful murder, to admit of being 
rescued, would appear dishonorable. I thanked them for 
their kind intentions, and told them the greatest favor 
they could confer upon me, would be to grant me this 
one request, to luithdraiv from the jail, and return in 
peace; to this they complied, and withdrew. While 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 125 

I was speaking, the irons were taken off my feet, and 
never again put on. 

Before this party arrived at Conococheague, they 
met about three hundred more, on the way, coming to 
their assistance, and were resolved to take me out; they 
then turned, and all came together, to Carlisle. The 
reason they gave for coming again, was, because they 
thought that government was so enraged at me that I 
would not get a fair trial; but my friends and myself 
together again prevailed on them to return in peace. 

At this time the public papers were partly filled with 
these occurrences. The following is an extract from 
the Pennsylvania Gazette, number 2132, November 2d, 

"Conococlieague, October ~L6th, 1769. 

"Please to give the following narrative a place in 
your Gazette, and you will much oblige. 
"Your humble servant, 


"Whereas, in this Gazette of September 28th, 1769, 
there appeared an extract of a letter from Bedford, 
September 12th, 1769, relative to James Smith, as be- 
ing apprehended on suspicion of being a black boy, 
then killing his companion, &c, I took upon myself as 
bound by all the obligations of truth, justice to char- 
.acter and to the world, to set that matter in a true 

126 Col. James Smith. 

light; by which, I hope the impartial world will be 
enabled to obtain a more just opinion of the present 
scheme of acting in this end of the country, as also 
to form a true idea of the truth, candor, and ingenuity 
of the author of the said extract, in stating that matter 
in so partial a light. The state of the case (which can 
be made appear by undeniable evidence,) was this: 
"James Smith, (who is stiled the principal ring leader 
of the black boys, by the said author) together with his 
younger brother, and brother-in-law, were going out in 
order to survey and improve their land on the waters 
of Youghoghany, and as the time of their return was 
long, they took with them their arms, and horses loaded 
with the necessaries of life: and as one of Smith's 
brothers-in-law was an artist in surveying, he had also 
with him the instruments for that business. Travel- 
ling on the way, within about nine miles of Bedford, 
they overtook, and joined company with one Johnson 
and Moorhead, who likewise had horses loaded, part 
of which loading was liquor, and part seed wheat, their 
intentions being to make improvements on their lands. 
When they arrived at the parting of the road on this 
side of Bedford, the company separated, one part going 
through the town, in order to get a horse shod, were 
apprehended, and put under confinement, but for what 
crime they knew not, and treated in a manner utterly 
inconsistent with the laws of their country, and the 
liberties of Englishmen : Whilst the other part, viz. 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 127 

James Smith, Johnson and Moorhead, taking along the 
other road, were met by John Holmes esq. to whom 
James Smith spoke in a friendly manner, but received 
no answer. Mr. Holmes hasted, and gave an alarm in 
Bedford, from whence a party of men were sent in 
pursuit of them; but Smith and his companions not 
having the least thought of any such measures being 
taken, (why should they?) travelled slowly on. After 
they had gained the place where the roads joined, they 
delayed until the other part of their company should 
come up. At this time a number of men came riding, 
like men travelling ; they asked Smith his name, which 
he told them on which they immediately assaulted 
him as highway-men, and with presented pistols, com- 
manded him to surrender, or he was a dead man ; upon 
which Smith stepped back, asked them if they were 
highway-men charging them at the same time to stand 
off, when immediately, Robert George (one of the as- 
sailants) snaped a pistol at Smith's head, and that 
before Smith offered to shoot, (which said George 
himself acknowledged upon oath;) whereupon Smith 
presented his gun at another of the assailants, who was 
preparing to shoot him with his pistol. The said as- 
sailant having a hold of Johnson by the arm, two shots 
were fired, one by Smith's gun, the other from a pistol 
so quick as just to be distinguishable, and Johnson fell. 
After which Smith was taken and carried into Bedford, 
where John Holmes, esq. the informer, held an inquest 

128 Col. James Smith. 

on the corpse, one of the assailants being as an evi- 
dence, (nor was there any other trouble about the 
matter) Smith was brought in guilty of wilful murder, 
and so committed to prison. But a jealousy arising 
in the breasts of many that the inquest, either through 
inadvertency, ignorance or some other default, was not 
so fair as it ought to be ; William Deny, coroner of the 
Bounty, upon requisition made, thought proper to re- 
examine the matter, and summoning a jury of unex- 
ceptionable men, out of three townships men whose 
candor, probity and honesty, is unquestionable with 
all who are acquainted with them, and having raised 
the corpse, held an inquest in a solemn manner, during 
three days. In the course of their scrutiny they found 
Johnson's shir^t blacked about the bullit-hole, by the 
powder of the charge by which he was killed, where- 
upon they examined into the distance Smith stood from 
Johnson when he shot, and one of the assailants being 
admitted to oath, swore to the respective spots of 
ground they both stood on at that time, which the jury 
measured, and found to be twenty-three feet, nearly; 
then trying the experiment of shooting at the same 
shirt, both with and against the wind, and at the same 
distance, found no effects, not the least stain from the 
powder, on the shirt: And let any person that pleases, 
make the experiment, and I will venture to affirm he 
shall find the powder will not stain at half the distance 
above mentioned, if shot out of a rifle gun, which 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 129 

Smith 's was. Upon the whole, the jury, after the most 
accurate examination, and mature deliberation, brought 
in their verdict that some one of the assailants them- 
selves must necessarily have been the perpetrators of 
the murder. 

"I have now represented the matter in its true and 
genuine colors, and which I will abide by. I only beg 
liberty to make a few remarks and reflections on the 
above mentioned extract. The author says, " James 
Smith, with two others in company, passed round the 
town, without touching, ' ' by which it is plain he would 
insinuate, and make the public believe that Smith, and 
that part of the company, had taken some bye road, 
which is utterly false, for it was the king's high-way, 
and the straightest, that through Bedford, being some- 
thing to the one side, nor would the other part of the 
company have gone through the town, but for the rea- 
son already given. Again, the author says that * * four 
men were sent in pursuit of Smith and his companions, 
who overtook them about five miles from Bedford, and 
commanded them to surrender, on which Smith pre- 
sented his gun at one of the men, who was struggling 
with his companion, fired it at him, and shot his com- 
panion through the back. ' ' Here I would just remark 
again, the unfair and partial account given of this mat- 
ter, by the author; not a word mentioned of George's 
snapping his pistol before Smith offered to shoot, or 
of another of the assailants actually firing his pistol, 


130 Col. James Smith. 

though he confessed himself afterwards, he had done 
so; not the least mention of the company's baggage, 
which, the men in the least open to a fair inquiry, 
would have been sufficient proof of the innocence of 
their intentions. Must not an effusive blush over- 
spread the face of the partial representer of facts, when 
he finds the veil he had thrown over truth thus pulled 
aside, and she exposed to naked view. Suppose it 
should be granted that Smith shot the man, (which is 
not, and I presume never can be proven to be the case) 
I would only ask, was he not on his own defence 1 Was 
he not publicly assaulted ? Was he not charged at the 
peril of his life, to surrender, without knowing for 
what? No warrant being shown him, or any declara- 
tion made of their authority. And seeing these things 
are so, would any judicious man, any person in the 
least acquainted with the laws of the land, or morality, 
judge him guilty of wilful murder? But I humbly 
presume every one who has an opportunity of seeing 
this, will by this time be convinced that the proceedings 
against Smith were truly unlawful and tyranical, per- 
haps unparalleled by any instance in a civilized nation ; 
for to endeavor to kill a man in the apprehending him, 
in order to bring him to trial for a fact, and that too 
on a supposed one, is undoubtedly beyond all bounds 
of law or government. 

"If the author of the extract thinks I have treated 
him unfair, or that I have advanced any thing he can 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 131 

controvert, let him come forward as a fair antagonist, 
and make his defence, and I will, if called upon, vindi- 
cate all that I have advanced against him or his abet- 
tors. " WILLIAM SMITH." t 

I remained in prison four months, and during this 
time I often thought of those that were confined in 
the time of the persecution, who declared their prison 
was converted into a palace. I now learned what this 
meant, as I never since, or before, experienced foui 
months of equal happiness. 

"When the supreme court sat, I was severely prose- 
cuted. At the commencement of my trial, the judges 
in a very unjust and arbitrary manner, rejected several 
of my evidences; yet, as Robert George (one of those 
who were in the fray when I was taken) swore in court 
that he snapped a pistol at me before I shot, and a con- 
currence of corroborating circumstances, amounted to 
strong presumptive evident that it could not possibly 
be my gun that killed Johnson, the jury, without 
hesitation, brought in their verdict, NOT GUILTY. 
One of the judges then declared that not one of this 
jury should ever hold any office above a constable. 
Notwithstanding this proud, ill-natured declaration, 
some of these jurymen afterwards filled honorable 
places, and I myself was elected the next year, and 
sat on the board* in Bedford county, and afterwards 

* A board of commissioners was annually elected in Penn- 
sylvania, to regulate taxes, and lay the county levy. 

132 Col. James Smith. 

I served in the board three years in Westmoreland 

In the year 1774, another Indian war commenced, 
though at this time the white people were the aggres- 
sors. The prospect of this terrified the frontier in- 
habitants, insomuch that the greater part on the Ohio 
waters, either fled over the mountains, eastward, or 
collected into forts. As the state of Pennsylvania ap- 
prehended great danger, they at this time appointed 
me captain over what was then called the Pennsylvania 
line. As they knew I could raise men that would 
answer their purpose, they seemed to lay aside their 
former inveteracy. 

In the year 1776, I was appointed a major in the 
Pennsylvania association. When American independ- 
ence was declared, I was elected a member of the con- 
vention in Westmoreland county, state of Pennsylvania, 
and of the assembly as long as I proposed to serve. 

While I attended the assembly in Philadelphia, in 
the year 1777, 1 saw in the street, some of my old boys, 
on their way to the Jerseys, against the British, and 
they desired me to go with them I petitioned the 
house for leave of absence, in order to head a scouting 
party, which was granted me. We marched into the 
Jerseys, and went before General Washington's army, 
way-laid the road at Rocky Hill, attacked about two 
hundred of the British, and with thirty-six men drove 
them out of the woods into a large open field. After 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 133 

this we attacked a party that were guarding the officers 
baggage, and took the waggon and twenty-two Hes- 
sians ; and also re-took some of our continental soldiers 
which they had with them. In a few days we killed 
and took more of the British, than was of our party. 
At this time I took the camp fever, and was carried in 
a stage waggon to Burlington, where I lay until I re- 
covered. When I took sick, my companion, Major 
James M 'Common, took the command of the party, 
and had greater success than I had. If every officer 
and his party that lifted arms against the English, had 
fought with the same success that Mayor M 'Common 
did, we would have made short work of the British war. 
When I returned to Philadelphia, I applied to the 
assembly for leave to raise a battallion of riflemen, 
which they appeared very willing to grant, but said 
they could not do it, as the power of raising men and 
commissioning officers was at that time committed to 
General Washington, therefore they advised me to 
apply to his excellency. The following is a true copy 
of a letter of recommendation which I received at this 
time, from the council of safety: 


"Philadelphia, February Wth, 1777. 

"Application has been made to us by James Smith 
esq. of Westmoreland, a gentleman well acquainted 
with the Indian customs, and their manners of carry- 

134 Col. James Smith. 

ing on war, for leave to raise a battallion of marks- 
men, expert in the use of rifles, and such as are ac- 
quainted with the. Indian method of fighting, to be 
dressed entirely in their fashion, for the purpose of 
annoying and harrassing the enemy in their marches 
and encampments. We think two or three hundred 
men in that way, might be very useful. Should your 
excellency be of the same opinion, and direct such a 
corps to be formed, we will take proper measures for 
raising the men on the frontiers of this state, and fol- 
low such other directions as your excellency shall give 
in this matter. 

"To his excellency General Washington." 

1 1 The foregoing is a copy of a letter to his excellency 
General Washington, from the council of safety. 



After this I received another letter of recommenda- 
tion, which is as follows : 

"We, whose names are under written, do certify that 
James Smith (now of the county of Westmoreland) 
was taken prisoner by the Indians, in an expedition 
before General Braddock's defeat, in the year 1755, 
and remained with them until the year 1760 : and also 
that he served as ensign, in the year 1763, under the 
pay of the province of Pennsylvania, and as lieutenant, 
in the year 1764, and as captain, in the year 1774 ; and 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 135 

as a military officer he has sustained a good character. 
And we do recommend him as a person well acquainted 
with the Indian's method of fighting, and, in our hum- 
ble opinion, exceedingly fit for the command of a rang- 
ing or scouting party, which we are also humbly of 
opinion, he could (if legally authorized) soon raise. 
Given under our hands at Philadelphia, this 13th day 
of March, 1777. 

Thomas Paxton, capt. Jonathan Hoge, esq. 

William Duffield, esq. William Parker, capt. 

David Robb], esq. Robert Elliot, 

John Piper, col. Joseph Armstrong, col. 

William M'Comb. Robert Peebles, lieut. col. 
William Pepper, lieut. col. Samuel Patton, capt. 

James M'Clane, esq. William Lyon, esq." 
John Proctor, col. 

With these, and some other letters of recommenda- 
tion, which I have not now in my possession, I went to 
his excellency, who lay at Morristown. Though Gen- 
eral Washington did not fall in with the scheme of 
white men turning Indians, yet he proposed giving me 
a major's place in a battallion of riflemen already 
raised. I thanked the general for his proposal; but 
as I entertained no high opinion of the colonel that I 
was to serve under, and with him I had no prospect of 
getting my old boys again, I thought I would be of 
more use in the cause we were then struggling to sup- 

136 Col. James Smith. 

port, to remain with them as a militia officer, there- 
fore I did not accept this offer. 

In the year 1778, I received a colonel's commission, 
and after my return to Westmoreland, the Indians 
made an attack upon our frontiers. I then raised men 
and pursued them, and the second day we overtook and 
defeated them. We likewise took four scalps, and 
recovered the horses and plunder which they were 
carrying off. At the time of this attack, Captain John 
Hinkston pursued an Indian, both their guns being 
empty, and after the fray was over he was missing : 
While we were enquiring about him, he came walking 
up, seemingly unconcerned, with a bloody scalp in his 
hand he had pursued the Indian about a quarter of a 
mile, and tomahawked him. 

Not long after this I was called upon to command 
four hundred riflemen, on an expedition against the 
Indian town on French Creek. It was some time in 
November before I received orders from General M 'In- 
tosh, to march, and then we were poorly equipped, and 
scarce of provisions. We marched in three columns, 
forty rod from each other. There were also flankers 
on the outside of each column, that marched a-breast 
in the rear, in scattered orde'r and even in the 
columns, the men were one rod apart and in the front, 
the volunteers marched a-breast, in the same manner 
of the flankers, scouring the woods. In case of an at- 
tack, the officers were immediately to order the men to 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 137 

face out and take trees in this position the Indians 
could not avail themselves by surrounding us, or have 
an opportunity of shooting a man from either side of 
the tree. If attacked, the center column was to rein- 
force whatever part appeared to require it the most. 
When we encamped, our encampment formed a hollow 
square, including about thirty or forty acres on the 
outside of the square there were centinels placed, 
whose business it was to watch for the enemy, and see- 
that neither horses or bullocks went out: And when 
encamped, if any attacks were made by an enemy, each 
officer was immediately to order the men to face out 
and take trees, as before mentioned, and in this form 
they could not take the advantage by surrounding us, 
as they commonly had done when they fought the 

The following is a copy of general orders, given at 
this time, which I have found among my journals: 


"November 29th, 1778. 

"A copy thereof is to be gwen to eacli captain and 

subaltern, and to be read to each company. 
"You are to march in three columns, with flankers 
on the front and rear, and to keep a profound silence, 
and not to fire a gun, except at the enemy, without 

138 Col. James Smith. 

particular orders for that purpose; and in case of an 
attack, let it be so ordered that every other man only, 
is to shoot at once, excepting on extraordinary occa- 
sions. The one half of the men to keep a reserve fire, 
until their comrades load; and let every one be par- 
ticularly careful not to fire at any time without a view 
of the enemy, and that not at too great a distance. I 
earnestly urge the above caution, as I have known very 
remarkable and grevious errors of this kind. You are 
to encamp on the hollow square, except the volunteers, 
who, according to their own request, are to encamp 
on the front of the square, a sufficient number of centi- 
nels are to be kept round the square at a proper dis- 
tance. Every man is to be under arms at the break 
of day, and to parade opposite to their fire places, 
facing out, and when the officers examine their arms 
and find them in good order, and give necessary direc- 
tions, they are to be dismissed, with orders to have 
their arms near them, and be always in readiness. 
"Given by 

"JAMES SMITH, Colonel" 

In this manner we proceeded on, to French Creek, 
where we found the Indian town evacuated. I then 
went on further than my orders called for, in quest of 
Indians; but our provisions being nearly exhausted, 
we were obliged to return. On our way back we met 
with considerable difficulties on account of high waters 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 139 

and scarcity of provision ; yet we never lost one horse, 
excepting some that gave out. 

After peace was made with the Indians, I met with 
some of them in Pittsburg, and enquired of them in 
their own tongue, concerning this expedition, not let- 
ting them know I was there. They told me that they 
watched the movements of this army ever after they 
had left Fort-Pitt, and as they passed thro the glades 
or barrens they had a full view of them from the ad- 
jacent hills, and computed their number to be about 
one thousand. They said they also examined their 
camps, both before and after they were gone, and 
found, they could not make an advantageous attack, 
and therefore moved off from their town and hunting 
ground before we arrived. 

In the year 1788 I settled in Bourbon county, Ken- 
tucky, seven miles above Paris; and in the same year 
was elected a member of the convention that sat at 
Danville, to confer about a separation from the state 
of Virginia; and from that year until the year 1799, 
I represented Bourbon county, either in convention or 
as a member of the general assembly, except two years 
that I was left a few votes behind. 

140 Col. James Smith. 


The Indians are a slovenly people in their dress. 
They seldom ever wash their shirts, and in regard to 
cookery they are exceeding filthy. "When they kill a 
buff aloe they will sometimes lash the paunch of it 
round a sapling, and cast it into the kettle, boil it and 
sup the broth; tho they commonly shake it about in 
cold water, then boil and eat it. Notwithstanding all 
this, they are very polite in their own way, and they 
retain among them, the essentials of good manners;, 
tho they have few compliments, yet they are com- 
plaisant to one another, and when accompanied with 
good humor and discretion, they entertain strangers 
in the best manner their circumstances will admit. 
They use but few titles of honor. In the military line, 
the titles of great men are only captains or leaders of 
parties In the civil line, the titles are only councilors, 
chiefs or the old wisemen. These titles are never made 
use of in addressing any of their great men. The lan- 
guage commonly made use of in addressing them, is,. 
Grandfather, Father, or Uncle. They have no such 
thing in use among them, as Sir, Mr., Madam or Mis- 
tressThe common mode of address is my Friend,. 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 141 

Brother, Cousin, or Mother, Sister, &c. They pay great 
respect to age; or to the aged Fathers and Mothers 
among them of every rank. No one can arrive at any 
place of honor, among them, but by merit. Either some 
exploit in war, must be performed, before any one can 
be advanced in the military line, or become eminent 
for wisdom before they can obtain a seat in council. 
It would appear to the Indians a most ridiculous thing 
to see a man lead off a company of warriors, as an 
officer, who had himself never been in a battle in his 

life : even in case of merit, they are slow in advancing 
any one, until they arrive at or near middle-age. 

They invite every one that comes to their house, or 
camp to eat, while they have any thing to give; and it 
is accounted bad manners to refuse eating, when in- 
vited. They are very tenacious of their old mode of 
dressing and painting, and do not change their fashions 
as we do. They are very fond of tobacco, and the men 
almost all smoke it mixed with sumach leaves or red 
willow bark, pulverized; tho they seldom use it any 
other way. They make use of the pipe also as a token 
of love and friendship. 

In courtship they also differ from us. It is a com- 
mon thing among them for a young woman, if in love, 
to make suit to a young man ; tho the first address may 
be by the man;. yet the other is the most common. 
The squaws are generally very immodest in their words 
and actions, and will often put the young men to the 

142 Col. James Smith. 

blush. The men commonly appear to be possessed of 
much more modesty than the women ; yet I have been 
acquainted with some young squaws that appeared 
really modest : genuine it must be, as they were under 
very little restraint in the channel of education or 

When the Indians meet one another, instead of say- 
ing, how do you do, they commonly salute in the fol- 
lowing manner you are my friend the reply is, truly 
friend, I am your friend, or, cousin, you yet exist 
the reply is certainly I do. They have their children 
under tolerable command : seldom ever whip them, and 
their common mode of chastising, is by ducking them 
in cold water; therefore their children are more obe- 
dient in the winter season, than they are in the sum- 
mer ; tho they are then not so often ducked. They are 
a peaceable people, and scarcely ever wrangle or scold^ 
when sober ; but they are very much addicted to drink- 
ing, and men and women will become basely intoxi- 
cated, if they can, by any means, procure or obtain 
spirituous liquor; and then they are commonly either 
extremely merry and kind, or very turbulent, ill- 
humoured and disorderly. 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 143 


As the family that I was adopted into was intermar- 
ried with the "Wiandots and Ottawas,. three tongues 
were commonly spoke, viz. Caughnewaga, or what the 
French call Iroque, also the Wiandot and Ottawa; by 
this means I had an opportunity of learning these three 
tongues ; and I found that these nations varied in their 
traditions and opinions concerning religion; and even 
numbers of the same nations differed widely in their 
religious sentiments. Their traditions are vague, 
whimsical, romantic and many of them scarce worth 
relating; and not any of them reach back to the crea- 
tion of the world. The Wiandots comes the nearest 
to this. They tell of a squaw that was found when an 
infant, in the water in a canoe made of bull-rushes: 
this squaw became a great prophetess and did many 
wonderful things ; she turned water into dry land, and 
at length made this continent, which was, at that time, 
only a very small island, and but a few Indians in it. 
Tho they were then but few they had not sufficient 
room to hunt; therefore this squaw went to the water 
side, and prayed that this little island might be en- 
larged. The great being then heard her prayer, and 

144 Col. James Smith. 

sent great numbers of Water Tortoises, and Muskrata, 
which brought with them mud and other materials, for 
enlarging this island, and by this means, they say, it 
was encreased to the size that it now remains ; there- 
fore they say, that the white people ought not to en- 
croach upon them, or take their land from them, be- 
cause their great grand mother made it. They say, 
that about this time the angels or heavenly inhabitants, 
as they call them, frequently visited them and talked 
with their forefathers; and gave directions how to 
pray, and how to appease the great being when he was 
offended. They told them that they were to offer 
sacrifice, burn tobacco, buffaloe and deer bones; but 
that they were not to burn bears or racoons bones in 

The Ottawas say, that there are two great beings 
that rule and govern the universe, who are at war 
with each other; the one they call Maneto, and the 
other Matchemaneto. They say that Maneto is all 
kindness and love, and that Matchemaneto is an 
evil spirit, that delights in doing mischief; and 
some of them think, that they are equal in power, and 
therefore worship the evil spirit out of a principle of 
fear. Others doubt which of the two may be the most 
powerful, and therefore endeavor to keep in favor 
with both, by giving each of them some kind of wor- 
ship. Others say that Maneto is the first great cause 
and therefore must be all-powerful and supreme, and 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 145 

ought to be adored and worshipped ; whereas Matche- 
maneto ought to be rejected and dispised. 

Those of the Ottawas that worship the evil spirit, 
pretend to be great conjurors. I think if there is any 
such thing now in the world as witchcraft, it is among 
these people. I have been told wonderful stories con- 
cerning their proceedings; but never was eye witness 
to any thing that appeared evidently supernatural. 

Some of the Wiandots and Caughnewagas profess 
to be Eoman-catholics ; but even these retain many of 
the notions of their ancestors. Those of them who 
reject the Roman-catholic religion, hold that there is 
one great first cause, whom they call Owaneeyo, that 
rules and governs the universe, and takes care of all 
his creatures, rational and irrational, and gives them 
their food in due season, and hears the prayers of 
all those that call upon him; therefore it is but just 
and reasonable to pray, and offer sacrifice to this great 
being, and to do those things that are pleasing in his 
sight; but they differ widely in what is pleasing or 
displeasing to this great being. Some hold that fol- 
lowing nature or their own propensities is the way to 
happiness, and cannot be displeasing to the deity, be- 
cause he delights in the happiness of his creatures, 
and does nothing in vain; but gave these dispositions 
with a design to lead to happiness, and therefore they 
ought to be followed. Others reject this opinion alto- 

146 Col. James Smith. 

gether, and say that following their own propensities 
in this manner, is neither the means of happiness nor 
the way to please the deity. 

Tecaughretanego was of opinion that following na- 
ture in a limited sense was reasonable and right. He 
said that most of the irrational animals by following 
their natural propensities, were led to the greatest 
pitch of happiness that their natures and the world 
they lived in would admit of. He said that mankind 
and the rattle snakes had evil dispositions, that led 
them to injure themselves and others. He gave in- 
stances of this. He said he had a puppy that he did 
not intend to raise, and in order to try an experiment, 
he tyed this puppy on a pole and held it to a rattle 
snake, which bit it several times ; that he observed the 
snake shortly after, rolling about apparently in great 
misery, so that it appeared to have poisoned itself as 
well as the puppy. The other instance he gave was 
concerning himself. He said that when ne was a young 
man, he was very fond of the women, and at length 
got the venereal disease, so that by following this 
propensity, he was led to injure himself and others. 
He said our happiness depends on our using our rea- 
son, in order to suppress these evil dispositions; but 
when our propensities neither lead us to injure our- 
selves nor others, we might with safety indulge them, 
or even pursue them as the means of happiness. 

The Indians generally are of opinion that there are 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 147 

great numbers of inferior Deities, which they call Car- 
reyagaroona, which signifies the Heavenly Inhabitants. 
These beings they suppose are employed as assistants, 
in managing the affairs of the universe, and in in- 
specting the actions of men: and that even the irra- 
tional animals are engaged in viewing their actions, 
and bearing intelligence to the Gods. The' eagle, for 
this purpose, with her keen eye, is soaring about in 
the day, and the owl, with her nightly eye, perched 
on the trees around their camp in the night; there- 
fore, when they observe the eagle or the owl near, they 
immediately offer sacrifice, or burn tobacco, that they 
may have a good report to carry to the Gods. They 
say that there are also great numbers of evil spirits, 
which they call Onasahroona, which signifies the Inha- 
bitants of the Lower Region. These they say are em- 
ployed in disturbing the world, and the good spirits 
are always going after them, and setting things right, 
so that they are constantly working in opposition to 
each other. Some talk of a future state, but not with 
any certainty : at best their notions are vague and 
unsettled. Others deny a future state altogether, and 
say that after death they neither think or live. 

As the Caughnewagas and the six nations speak 
nearly the same language, their theology is also nearly 
alike. When I met with the Shawanees or Delawares, 
as I could not speak their tongue, I spoke Ottawa to 
them, and as it bore some resemblance to their Ian- 

148 Col. James Smith. 

guage, we understood each other in some common af- 
fairs, but as I could only converse with them very im- 
perfectly, I can not from my own knowledge, with cer- 
tainty, give any account of their theological opinions. 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 149 


I have often heard of Indian Kings, but never saw 
any. How any term used by the Indians in their own 
tongue, for the chief man of a nation, could be ren- 
dered King, I know not. The chief of a nation is 
neither a supreme ruler, monarch or potentate He 
can neither make war or peace, leagues or treaties-- 
He cannot impress soldiers, or dispose of magazines 
He cannot adjourn, prorogue or dissolve a general 
assembly, nor can he refuse his assent to their conclu- 
sions, or in any manner controul them With them 
there is no such thing as heriditary succession, title of 
nobility or royal blood, even talked of The chief of 
a nation, even with the consent of his assembly, or 
council, cannot raise one shilling of tax off the citizens, 
but only receive what they please to give as free and 
voluntary donations. The chief of a nation has to 
hunt for his living, as any other citizen How then can 
they with any propriety, be called kings? I appre- 
hend that the white people were formerly so fond of 
the name of kings, and so ignorant of their power, 
that they concluded the chief man of a nation must be 
a king. 

As they are illiterate, they consequently have no 

150 Col. James Smith. 

written code of laws. What they execute as laws, are 
either old customs, or the immediate result of new 
councils. Some of their ancient laws or customs are 
very pernicious, and disturb the public weal. Their 
vague law of marriage is a glaring instance of this, as 
the man and his wife are under no legal obligation to 
live together, if they are both willing to part. They 
have little form, or ceremony among them, in matri- 
mony, but do like the Israelites of old the man goes 
in unto the woman, and she becomes his wife. The 
years of puberty and the age of consent, is about four- 
teen for the women, and eighteen for the men. Before 


I was taken by the Indians, I had often heard that in 
the ceremony of marriage, the man gave the woman a 
deer's leg, and she gave him a red ear of corn, signify- 
ing that she was to keep him in bread, and he was to 
keep her in meat. I enquired of them concerning the 
truth of this, and they said they knew nothing of it, 
further than that they had heard that it was the ancient 
custom among some nations. Their frequent changing 
of partners prevents propagation, creates disturbances, 
and often occasions murder and bloodshed ; though this 
is commonly committed under pretense of being drunk. 
Their impunity to crimes committed when intoxicated 
with spirituous liquors, or their admitting one crime 
as an excuse for another, is a very unjust law or cus- 
The extremes they run into in dividing the necessar- 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 151 

ies of life, are hurtful to the public weal; though 
their dividing meat when hunting, may answer a valu- 
able purpose, as one family may have success one day, 
and the other the next; but their carrying this custom 
to the town, or to agriculture, is striking at the root 
of industry, as industrious persons ought to be re- 
warded, and the lazy suffer for their indolence. 

They have scarcely any penal laws: the principal 
punishment is degrading : even murder is not punished 
by any formal law, only the friends of the murdered 
are at liberty to slay the murderer, if some atonement 
is not made. Their not annexing penalties to their 
laws, is perhaps not as great a crime, or as unjust and 
cruel, as the bloody penal laws of England, which we 
have so long shamefully practiced, and which are in 
force in this state, until our pentitentiary house is 
finished, which is now building, and then they are to 
be repealed. 

Let us also take a view of the advantages attending 
Indian police: They are not oppressed or perplexed 
with expensive litigation They are not injured by 
legal robbery They have no splendid villains that 
make themselves grand and great on other people's 
labor They have neither church or state erected as 
money-making machines. 

152 Col. James Smith. 


I have often heard the British officers call the In- 
dians the undisciplined savages, which is a capital 
mistake as they have all the essentials of discipline. 
They are under good command, and punctual in obey- 
ing orders: they can act in concert, and when their 
officers lay a plan and give orders, they will cheerfully 
unite in putting all their directions into immediate exe- 
cution ; and by each man observing the motion or move- 
ment of his right hand companion, they can communi- 
cate the motion from right to left, and march abreast 
in concert, and in scattered order, though the line may 
be more than a mile long, and continue, if occasion 
requires, for a considerable distance, without disorder 
or confusion. They can perform various necessary 
maneuvers, either slowly, or as fast as they can run: 
they can form a circle, or semi-circle: the circle they 
make use of, in order to surround their enemy, and 
the semi-circle if the enemy has a river on one side of 
them. They can also form a large hollow square, face 
out and take trees: this they do, if their enemies are 
about surrounding them, to prevent from being shot 
from either side of the tree. When they go into battle 
they are not loaded or encumbered with many clothes. 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 153" 

as they commonly fight naked, save only breech-clout, 
leggins and mockesons. There is no such thing as cor- 
poreal punishment used, in order to bring them under 
such good discipline: degrading is the only chastise- 
ment, and they are so unanimous in this, that it effect- 
ually answers the purpose. Their officers plan, order 
and conduct matters until they are brought into action,, 
and then each man is to fight as though he was to gain 
the battle himself. General orders are commonly 
given in time of battle, either to advance or retreat, 
and is done by a shout or yell, which is well under- 
stood, and then they retreat or advance in concert. 
They are generally well equipped, and exceeding ex- 
pert and active in the use of arms. Could it be sup- 
posed that undisciplined troops could defeat Generals 
Braddock, Grant, &c.? It may be said by some that 
the French were also engaged in this war: true, they 
were ; yet I know it was the Indians that laid the plan, 
and with small assistance, put it into execution. The 
Indians had no aid from the French, or any other 
power, when they besieged Fort Pitt in the year 1763, 
and cut off the communication for a considerable time, 
between that post and Fort Loudon, and would have 
defeated General Bouquet's army, (who were on the 
way to raise the siege) had it not been for the assist- 
ance of the Virginia volunteers. They had no British 
troops with them when they defeated Colonel Craw- 
ford, near the Sandusky, in the time of the American 

154 Col. James Smith. 

War with Great Britain; or when they defeated Col- 
onel Loughrie, on the Ohio, near the Miami, on his 
way to meet General Clarke : this was also in the time 
of the British war. It was the Indians alone that de- 
feated Colonel Todd, in Kentucky, near the Blue licks, 
in the year 1782; and Colonel Harmer, betwixt the 
Ohio and Lake Erie, in the year 1790, and General 
St. Clair, in the year 1791; and it is said that there 
was more of our men killed at this defeat, than there 
were in any one battle during our contest with Great 
Britain. They had no aid when they fought even the 
Virginia rifle-men almost a whole day, at the Great 
Kanhawa, in the year 1774; and' when they found they 
could not prevail against the Virginians, they made a 
most artful retreat. Notwithstanding they had the 
Ohio to cross, some continued firing, whilst others were 
crossing the river ; in this manner they proceeded until 
they all got over, before the Virginians knew that they 
had retreated; and in this retreat they carried off all 
their wounded. In the most of the foregoing defeats, 
they fought with an inferior number, though in this, I 
believe it was not the case. 

Nothing can be more unjustly represented than the 
different accounts we have had of their number from 
time to time, both by their own computations, and that 
of the British. While I was among them, I saw the 
account of the number, that they in those parts gave to 
the French, and kept it by me. When they in their 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 155 

own council-house, were taking an account of their 
number, with a piece of bark newly stripped, and a 
small stick, which answered the end of a slate and pen- 
cil, I took an account of the different nations and tribes, 
which I added together, and found there were not half 
the number which they had given the French; and 
though they were then their allies, and lived among 
them, it was not easy finding out the deception, as they 
were a wandering set, and some of them almost al- 
ways in the woods hunting. I asked one of the chiefs 
what was their reason for making such different re- 
turns'? He said it was for political reasons, in order 
to obtain greater presents from the French, by tell- 
ing them they could not divide such and such quanti- 
ties of goods among so many. 

In year of General Bouquet's last campaign, 1764, I 
saw the official return made by the British officers, of 
the number of Indians that were in arms against us 
that year, which amounted to thirty thousand. As I 
was then a lieutenant in the British service, I told them 
I was of opinion that there was not above one thou- 
sand in arms against us, as they were divided by 
Broadstreet 's army being then at Lake JErie. The 
British officers hooted at me, and said they could not 
'make England sensible of the difficulties they labored 
under in fighting them, as England expects that their 
troops could fight the undisciplined savages in America, 
five to one, as they did the East-Indians, and therefore 

156 Col. James Smith. 

my report would not answer their purpose, as they 
could not give an honorable account of the war, but 
by augmenting their number. I am of opinion that 
from Braddock's war, until the present time, there 
never were more than three thousand Indians at any 
time, in arms against us, west of Fort Pitt, and' 
frequently not half that number. According to the 
Indians' own accounts during the whole of Braddock's 
war, or from 1755, till 1758, they killed or took, fifty 
of our people, for one that they lost. In the war that 
commenced in the year 1763, they killed, compara- 
tively, few of our people, and lost more of theirs, as the 
frontiers (especially the Virginians) had learned 
something of their method of war: yet, they, in this 
war, according to their own accounts, (which I be- 
lieve to be true) killed or took ten of our people, for 
one they lost. 

Let us now take a view of the blood and treasure 
that was spent in opposing comparatively, a few In- 
dian warriors, with only some assistance from the 
French, the first four years of the war. Additional to 
the amazing destruction and slaughter that the fron- 
tiers sustained, from James River to Susquehanna, and 1 
about thirty miles broad; the following campaigns 
were also carried on against the Indians: General 
Braddock's, in the year 1755: Colonel Armstrong's 
against the Cattanyan town, on the Alleghany, 1757: 
General Forbes', in 1758: General Stanwick's, 1759: 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 157 

General Monkton's, in 1760: Colonel Bouquet's, 1761 
and 1763, when he fought the battle of Bushy Run, 
and lost above one hundred men ; but by the assistance 
of the Virginia volunteers, drove the Indians ; Colonel 
Armstrong's, up the West Branch of Susquehanna, 
in 1763: General Broadstreet's, up Lake Erie, in 1764: 
General Bouquet's, against the Indians at Muskingum, 
in 1764: Lord Dunmore's, in 1774: General M'ln- 
tosh's, in 1778: Colonel Crawford's, shortly after his, 
General Clarke's in 17781780: Colonel Bowman's, 
1779: General Clarke's, in 1782 against the Wabash, 
in 1786: General Logan's against the Shawanees in 
1786: General Wilkinson's in - -: Colonel Harmer's 
in 1790: and General St. Clair's, in 1791; which, in 
all, are twenty-two campaigns, besides smaller expedi- 
tions, such as the French Creek expedition, Colonels 
Edward's, Loughrie's, &c. All these were exclusive of 
the number of men that were internally employed as 
scouting parties, and in erecting forts, guarding 
stations, &c. When we take the foregoing occurrences 
into consideration, may we not reasonably conclude, 
that they are the best disciplined troops in the known 
world? Is it not the best discipline that has the great- 
est tendency to annoy the enemy and save their own 
men? I apprehend that the Indian discipline is as 
well calculated to answer the purpose in the woods 
of America, as the British discipline in Flanders : and 
British discipline in the woods, is the way to have 

158 Col. James Smith. 

men slaughtered, with scarcely any chance of defend- 
ing themselves. 

Let us take a view of the benefits we have received, 
by what little we have learned of their art of war, 
which cost us dear, and the loss that we have sustained 
for want of it, and then see if it will not be well worth 
our while to retain what we have, and also to endeavor 
to improve in this necessary branch of business. 
Though we have made considerable proficiency in this 
line, and in some respects out-do them, viz. as marks- 
men, and in cutting our rifles, and in keeping them in 
good order; yet, I apprehend we are far behind in 
their manoeuvres, or in being able to surprize, or pre- 
vent a surprize. May we not conclude that the prog- 
ress we had made in their art of war, contributed con- 
siderably towards our success, in various respects, 
when contending with great Britain for liberty? Had 
the British king, attempted to enslave us before Brad- 
dock's war, in all probability he might readily have 
done it, because, except the New-Englanders, who had 
formerly been engaged in war, with the Indians, we 
were unacquainted with any kind of war: but after 
fighting such a subtil and barbarous enemy as the 
Indians, we were not terrified at the approach of 
British red-coats. Was not Burgoyne's defeat ac- 
complished in some measure by the Indian mode of 
fighting? and did not Gen. Morgan's rifle-men, and 
many others, fight with greater success, in consequence- 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 159 

of what they had learned of their art of war? Ken- 
tucky would not have been settled at the time it was, 
had the Virginians been altogether ignorant of this 
method of war. 

In Braddock's war, the frontiers were laid waste, 
for above three hundred miles long, and generally 
about thirty broad, excepting some that were living in 
forts, and many hundreds, or perhaps thousands, 
killed or made captives, and horses, and all kinds of 
property carried off: but, in the next Indian war, 
though we had the same Indians to cope with, the 
frontiers almost all stood their ground, because they 
were by this time, in some measure acquainted with 
their manoeuvres ; and the want of this, in the first war, 
was the cause of the loss of many hundred of our citi- 
zens, and much treasure. 

Though large volumes have been wrote on morality, 
yet it may all be summed up in saying, do as you would 
wish to be done by : so the Indians sum up the art of 
war in the following manner: 

The business of the private warriors is to be under 
command, or punctually to obey orders to learn to 
march a-breast in scattered order, so as to be in read- 
iness to surround the enemy, or to prevent being sur- 
roundedto be good marksmen, and active in the use 
of arms to practice running to learn to endure 
hunger or hardships with patience and fortitude to 

160 Col. James Smith. 

tell the truth at all times to their officers, but more 
especially when sent out to spy the enemy. 

Concerning Officers. They say that it would be 
absurd to appoint a man an officer whose skill and 
courage had never been tried that all officers should 
be advanced only according to merit that no one man 
should have the absolute command of an army that 
a council of officers are to determine when, and how 
an attack is to be made that it is the business of the 
officers to lay plans to take every advantage of the 
enemy to ambush and surprize them, and to prevent 
being ambushed and surprized themselves it is the 
duty of officers to prepare and deliver speeches to the 
men, in order to annimate and encourage them; and 
on the march, to prevent the men, at any time, from 
getting into a huddle, because if the enemy should sur- 
round them in this position, they would be exposed to 
the enemy's fire. It is likewise their business at all 
times to endeavor to annoy their enemy, and save their 
own men, and therefore ought never to bring on an 
attack without considerable advantage, or without 
what appeared to them the sure prospect of victory, 
and that with the loss of few men : and if at any time 
they should be mistaken in this, ar.J are like to lose 
many men by gaming the victory, it is their duty to 
retreat, and wait for a better opportunity of defeating 
their enemy, without the danger of losing so many 
men. Their conduct proves that they act upon these 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 161 

principles, therefore it is, that from Braddock's war 
to the present time, they have seldom ever made an 
unsuccessful attack. The battle at the mouth of the 
Great Kanhawa, is the greatest instance of this; and 
even then, though the Indians killed about three, for 
one they lost, yet they retreated. The loss of the 
Virginians in this action, was seventy killed and the 
same number wounded: The Indians lost twenty 
killed on the field, and eight, who died afterwards, of 
their wounds. This was the greatest loss of men that 
I ever knew the Indians to sustain in any one battle. 
They will commonly retreat if their men are falling 
fast they will not stand cutting, like the Highlanders, 
or other British troops : but this proceeds from a com- 
pliance with their rules of war, rather than cowardice. 
If they are surrounded, they will fight while there is a 
man of them alive, rather than surrender. When 
Colonel John Armstrong surrounded the Cattanyan 
town, on the Allegheny river, Captain Jacobs, a Dela- 
ware chief, with some warriors, took possession of a 
house, defended themselves for some time, and killed 
a number of our men. As Jacobs could speak English, 
our people called on him to surrender : he said that he 
and his men were warriors, and they would all fight 
while life remained. He was again told that they 
should be well used, if they would only surrender ; and 
if not, the house should be burned down over their 

heads : Jacobs replied he could eat fire: and when 

162 Col. James Smith. 

the house was in a flame, he, and they that were with 
him, came out in a fighting position, and were all 
killed. As they are a sharp, active kind of people, and 
war is their principal study, in this they have arrived 
at considerable perfection. We may learn of the In- 
dians what is useful and laudable, and at the same 
time lay aside their barbarous proceedings. It is 
much to be lamented that some of our frontier rifle- 
men are prone to imitate them in their inhumanity. 
During the British war, a considerable number of men 
from below Fort Pitt, crossed the Ohio, and marched 
into a town of Friendly Indians, chiefly Delawares, 
who professed the Moravian religion. As the Indians 
apprehended no danger, they neither lifted arms or 
fled. After these rifle-men were sometime in the town, 
and the Indians altogether in their power, in cool blood, 
they massacred the whole town, without distinction of 
age or sex. This was an act of barbarity beyond any 
thing I ever knew to be committed by the savages 

Why have we not made greater proficiency in the 
Indian art of war ? Is it because we are too proud 
to imitate them, even though it should be a means of 
preserving the lives of many of our citizens? No! 
We are not above borrowing language from them, 
such as homony, pone, tomahawk, &c. which is little 
or no use to us. I apprehend that the reasons why we 
have not improved more in this respect, are as fol- 

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 163 

lows: no important acquisition is to be obtained but 
by attention and diligence; and as it is easier to learn 
to move and act in concert, in close order, in the open 
plain, than to act in concert in scattered order, in the 
woods ; so it is easier to learn our discipline, than the 
Indian maneuvers. They train up their boys to the 
art of war from the time they are twelve or fourteen 
years of age; whereas the principal chance our people 
had of learning, was by observing their movements 
when in action against us. I have been long as- 
tonished that no one has wrote upon this important 
subject, as their art of war would not only be of use 
to us in case of another rupture with them; but were 
only part of our men taught this art, accompanied 
with our continental discipline, I think no European 
power, after trial, would venture to shew its head in 
the American woods. 

If what I have wrote should meet the approbation 
of my countrymen, perhaps I may publish more upon 
this subject, in a future edition. 



Illustrative Notes. 


Fort London page 5. 

Fort Loudon was erected in the year 1756, near the site of 
the present town of Loudon, in Franklin county, Pennsyl- 
vania. It was named in honor of John Campbell, Earl of 
Loudon, appointed on March 20, 1756, Commander-in-chief 
of all the forces in North America, Penn. Arch., vol. xii, p. 
395 ; London Mag. for 1757, p. 504. 

Early Provincial Roads page 5. 

Braddock's road was opened in May and June, 1755, from 
Fort Cumberland to the Great Crossings of the Youghiogheny 
(now Smithfield), by nearly the same line as that of the pres- 
ent National road. Smithfield is about four miles from the 

General Braddock and the Quartermaster General, Sir 
John St. Clair, urgently solicited Governor Morris and the 
Council of Pennsylvania to order the construction of a road 
from the inhabited parts of the province westward toward 
the Ohio, to facilitate supplies of troops and provisions, as 
there was no wagon road through the mountains west of Car- 
lisle, "only a horse-path used by the Indian traders." Ac- 
cordingly, the Governor and Council directed a road to be 
made from Shippensburgh to the Youghiogheny. James 
Burd, Adam Hoops, George Croghan, "William Smith (men- 

Illustrative Notes. 165 

tioned as "one of ye Commissioners of ye County" (Cum- 
berland), and others, were appointed Commissioners. They 
laid out the road; but, owing to the defeat of Braddock on 
the 9th of July, work on it was suspended; nor was it com- 
pleted until a few years after the capture of Fort Du Quesne, 
in November, 1758. It traversed the present counties of Som- 
erset, Bedford, Fulton, and part of Franklin. For many 
years it was known by the name of "Smith's road," from 
the circumstance of his capture on it during its construction, 
as related in his narrative, and in the letter of Colonel James 
Burd, one of the Commissioners, as follows : 


"5th July, 1755. 

"HONORED SIR: We have now got this far with the road, but at 
present are under a very great dilemma, the cause of which is as 
follows: We had thought it necessary to make use of an empty 
house, 47 miles from Anthony Thompson's, for a store house for 
our provisions, and we sent a guard of seven men, armed, to said 
store-house. They immediately fortified the house, and had received 
some of our provisions. We were like to be short of meat, etc., and 
hearing that there were wagons, and supposing cattle, upon the 
road, one Mr. Robert McCay, who had the command of the store 
and the people there, sent a boy called James Smith, about sixteen 
years of age, down the road to hurry up the cattle and wagons. 
Said Smith meeting a man sent up by Mr. Adam Hoops, at Ray's 
Town, received information that the wagons were just at hand, 
upon which the boy returned with Mr. Hoops' man hither, the 
wagons at this time being behind. The wagons arrived at the store 
the 3d curr't, at noon. Inquiry was made of the wagoners where 
Mr. Hoops' man and the boy were, and they replied that they had 
not seen them; upon which they went out to search for them. They 
first found the boy's hat, and then Mr. Hoops' man's (named Arnold 
Vigorous) gun, and about ten perches from thence, Arnold lying 
dead, being shot through with two bullets and scalped. Mr. McCay 
immediately dispatched an express to me to the camp, about twelve 
miles from the store. I went down with a party of twelve men 
of Captain Hogg's company, and saw the corpse and got it buried, 
but can find nothing of the boy, only his horse we have got. That 
night, being the evening of the 3d curr't, we mounted guard at the 

166 Appendix. 

store. About 9 o'clock we were attacked by Indians; their number 
we could not know. Two of our sentinels fired at two of the In- 
dians which they saw, and I myself pursued singly the said two 
Indians, but being dark amongst the trees, could not see them nor 
overtake them, but heard them plainly about fifteen yards before 
me. The next day, being the 4th curr't, I returned to our camp, 
and was under a necessity to call the people together, and made use 
of all the arguments I could to induce them to continue in the service 
until we had finished. But, unfortunately, we had an alarm last 
night. One of the sentinels on the picket guard challenged three 
times and fired his musket, which has struck a great terror into the 
laborers; thirty of them are gone home this morning, and the re- 
mainder are very much dissatisfied, as they have no arms, and I am 
really afraid we shall not be able to keep them much longer. How- 
ever, the Governor may depend upon my utmost endeavors to 
carry on the work, and that I won't leave my duty while I have 
ten men to work, or am recalled by your Honor. 

"We are obliged to send off this morning a guard of twelve men 
and a sergeant of Captain Hogg's Company for a covering party for 
our returning wagons, and to bring up our provisions from the 
inhabitants, as we can't so much as hunt up our horses but with a 
guard. Our roads are all waylaid in order to cut off our provisions 
and any straggling men they can. Mr. William Smith is likewise 
under a necessity to go home this morning, as the boy that is taken 
prisoner (as we suppose) is his brother-in-law. We have now about 
three days' provisions. 

"Please to excuse unconnections. 

"I am, respectfully, your Honor's most obed't, h'ble, servant, 



Col. Bees, of Penn., vol. vi., p. 466, and pp. 302, 318, 404, 
etc.; Shippen Papers, pp. 89 to 45. 

Ligoneer page 7. 

The town of Ligonier, in "Westmoreland county, on the 
Loyalhanna creek and Philadelphia turnpike road, fifty miles 
east of Pittsburg. Fort Ligonier was erected here in 1758. 

Indian Town page 13. 

The Kittanning villages, inhabited chiefly by Delawares. 
On September 8, 1756, fourteen months after Smith's com- 

Illustrative Notes. 167 

pulsory visit, they were attacked and destroyed by the Pro- 
vincial troops, under the command of Col. John Armstrong. 
Now the site of the flourishing town of Kittanning, the 
county seat of Armstrong county, Pennsylvania. 

Tulliliaspage 13. 

At or near the confluence of the Mohican and Owl creeks 
(forming the Whitewoman or Walhonding), in the township 
of Newcastle, Coshoeton county, Ohio. On the map of Hutch- 
ins there is an Indian village near that point marked Owl's 
T. Among the Indians allied to the French, on the Upper 
Ohio, in 1754, a chief or warrior, named "The Owl," is men- 
tioned in the letter of Captain Stobo, from Fort Du Quesne, 
July 29, 1754. Penn. Col. Rec., vol. vi, p. 143; Memoirs of 
Stobo. p. 92. 

Gook-ho-sing, or Habitation of ^ Ca g- Hutchin / Map, prefixed to 
Owls. Heckwelder's Narrative,/ t^ Account ot Bouquet s Ex- 
page 280; so called from the \ Jf** *ffto*t the Ohio I n- 
quantity of these birds resorting f dia , ns T 'V i7* wlS h 

thitter.-Loskiel's Missions, page I and P nd n ' K 1 l ' i, ^n 
162 I lished by Robert Clarke & Co., 


Cincinnati, 1868. 

The celebrated Delaware chief, Captain Pipe, had his place 
of residence in 1776 on the Walhonding, about fifteen miles 
above Coshoeton, the "Forks of Muskingum/' Heckwelder's 
Narrative, p. 143. 

Adoption by the Indians page 15. 

John McCullough, a boy, who was captured by the Indians, 
near Fort Loudon, in 1756, underwent like transformation. 
He was painted, feathered, and ducked in the Allegheny 
river, near Fort Du Quesne, then clad in a new ruffled shirt 
and told he had become an Indian. Narrative in Border Life, 
Lancaster, 1841, p. 91. 

168 Appendix. 

Pluggypage 17. 

A Mohawk chief, styled Captain Pluggy (probably son of 
Tecanyaterighto) appeared at the council held by Lord Dun- 
more with the Indians at or near Fort Pitt, in the fall of 
1774. Am. Arch., &th series, vol. i, p. 486. 

He became celebrated, leading many bloody forays into 
Western Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Kentucky. Patrick 
Henry, Governor of Virginia in 1777, authorized an expedi- 
tion to be raised and directed exclusively against the ' ' enemy 
of Pluggystown. " It was abandoned, however, from the 
apprehension it might cause a general Indian war. Letter of 
P. Henry to John Neville and Col. Morgan, at Fort Pitt, and 
reply. Minutes of the council of Virginia. 5 Penn. Arch., 
pp. 258, 260, 286. 

Message of Killbuck to Col. Morgan. Id., p. 44. 

Letters of Zeisberger and Gen. Hand. Id., pp. 443, 447. 

Pluggy and his band defeated the whites near McClelland 's 
Station, now Georgetown, Kentucky, on Christmas day, 1776, 
and again on Jan. 1, 1777. McDonald's Sketches, p. 212. 

Indian towns were often known to the whites by the name 
of a prominent chief or warrior. "Pluggystown" was also 
known as Upper Chillicothe (Schoolcraft's Ab. Arch., vol. iv, 
p. 632), and as Old Chillicothe, four miles below Circleville, 
on the west side of the Scioto, where the celebrated Logan re- 
sided, and where he delivered his famous speech. Ch. Whit- 
tlesey's Essays, pp. 142 to 147; Howe's Hist, of Ohio, pp. 
402 to 406. 

Buffalo Lick page 21. 

In Licking and Fairfield counties, now known as the Reser- 
voir or Licking Summit of the Ohio Canal, ten miles south of 
Newark. The main Indian trail from the forks of the Ohio- 

Illustrative Notes. 

to the Miami towns led by this swamp, then, no doubt, of 
vast extent. Christopher Gist, agent of the Ohio Company 
(of Virginia), sent out to examine the country, with George 
Croghan and Andrew Montour, messengers, with presents 
from Governor Hamilton, of Pennsylvania, to the Twightwees 
(Miamis), reached this point and encamped on January 17th, 
1751. On the next day they "set out from the Great 
Swamp, " as it is noticed by Gist in his journal. 5 Col. Rec.^ 
p. 485; Evans' Map of 1755, and Evans' and Pownall's Map 
of 1776; Hutchins' Large Map, 1778; Pioneer Pamphlet No. 
3, p. 11, pub. by the Licking Co. Pioneer Society, Newark, 0.> 

Catawbas page 22. 

This warlike tribe inhabited the Carolinas, chiefly in the 
country adjacent to the Catawba river. They were the an- 
cient and inveterate enemies of the Iroquois or Six Nations, 
with whom they were continually at war. The other tribes 
conceded to them the highest character for bravery, daring 
and subtlety. "When South Carolina was first settled by the 
English, in 1670, the Catawbas could muster fifteen hundred 
warriors; in 1836, the entire tribe numbered less than one 
hundred, who occupied the fine tract of land, fifteen miles 
square, in the counties of York and Lancaster, which was or- 
iginally reserved for them by the Proprietary Government. 
The few remaining of this once formidable nation now reside 
in the western part of North Carolina. 

Some writers suppose that the Catawbas were the remnant 
of the celebrated Eries, who were expelled from their ancient 
country on the shores of Lake Erie and driven south by the 
conquering Iroquois, in 1650. There is considerable evidence 
in support of this view. Transac. Am. Antiq. Soc., vol. ii, p.. 

170 Appendix. 

87- Hist. Coll. of South Carolina, vol. i, pp. 49, 188; Am. 
Abor. Arch., vol. Hi, p. 288; Bishop Gregg's History of the 
old Cheraws, pp. 3, 18, etc.; Mouzon's Map of the Carolinas, 

Canesadooliariepage 25. 

The Black river, in Lorain county. The route of the In- 
dians with Smith appears to have been from the town of Tul- 
lihas up along the lake fork of the Mohican creek to its source 
in the northern part of Ashland county; thence a few miles 
north-easterly to the head waters of Black river, in Lorain. 
On the map published by Lewis Evans, in 1755, the ' ' Guahad- 
ahuri ' ' is the only river laid down between the Cuyahoga and 
the Sandusky, although it is placed too far west about the 
locality of the Vermillion. On Captain Thos. Hutchins' 
large map of 1778, Black river is correctly laid down, and 
named "Riviere en Grys" (Gray). See, also, Knapp's His- 
tory of Ashland Co., p. 11 ; Taylor's Ohio, pp. 88, 521, note. 
The latter author and others have been misled by the mis- 
print of eight (in all the editions of the narrative excepting 
the original and the present) instead of eighty miles, stated 
by Smith to be about the distance between the Sandusky and 
Black rivers. The correct distance does not exceed fifty-two 

The Falls of Black river, at Elyria, in Lorain county, are 
doubtless the same mentioned in the Narrative (pp. 28 and 
42) ; their descent is forty feet perpendicular. The reader 
will, of course, make due allowance for the errors in the dis- 
tances given in the Narrative. Smith was young, and his 
means of taking and preserving notes, either in the wigwam 
or the canoe, very scanty. 

Illustrative Notes. 171 

Potatoes page 29. 

Ogh-ne-an-ata. Mohawk Vocabulary, in Am. Abor. Arch., 
vol. ii, p. 487. 

Large Creek page 29. 

Rocky river in Medina, Lorain and Cuyahoga counties. 
According to the distances given in the narrative their "win- 
ter cabin" was probably erected on the east branch of the 
Rocky river, either in the present township of Hinckley in 
Medina county or in the adjoining township of Royalton in 
Cuyahoga. Bear, deer and wolves were very abundant in this 
region so late as the year 1818. Northrop' s Hist, of Medina 
Co., p. 110, etc. 

Sunyendeandpage 44. 

Sir William Johnson, on his way home from Detroit in 
September, 1761, crossed the Portage from the mouth of the 
river at the site of the present town of Port Clinton. He 
then went down the Bay to "the encampment" "where the 
block-house is to be built, ' ' about the location of Venice, three 
miles west of Sandusky City. He mentions a Wyandot town 
as "almost opposite the Carrying-place," and "another vil- 
lage of Hurons about three miles distant" from the place of 
encampment. Diary of Sir Wm. Johnson, Appendix to 
Stone's Life and Times, vol. ii, p. 466. 

Smith's description of the locality of this town "can only 
apply to Pipe creek, and the big fields lying south-east of 
and about a mile and a half from the present town of San- 
dusky. "Address of Hon. J. M. Root, Sept. 1862; Fire 
Lands Pioneer, vol. iv, p. 22. " Junqueindundeh " is the 
name given to an Indian village near the mouth of the San- 
dusky river, on Hntchins' Map in the account of Bouquet's 

172 Appendix. 

Expedition in 1764; on Evans' Map of 1755 a Wyandot town 
is placed at the foot of Sandusky bay on the south side ; this 
it is very probable was ' ' Sunyendeand. ' ' 

The Lake note to p. 44. 

The color of the water is also noticed by the German Prince 
Maximilian of Wied in his book of travels in North America 
in 1833, p. 490. "Lake Erie. The splendid bluish-green 
waters of which, like all the great Canadian lakes, are exactly 
of the same color as those of Switzerland. ' ' 

Arthur Campbell page 49. 

Colonel Arthur Campbell of "Washington county in South- 
western Virginia. He escaped from the Indians about three- 
years after meeting with Smith, and returned by way of Fort 
Pitt to Virginia, where he afterward became distinguished in 
civil and military life, particularly as commander in a suc- 
cessful expedition against the Cherokees in 1781. He was a 
delegate from Fincastle county to the Virginia Revolutionary 
Convention of 1776. The Royal Oak ford of the Holston 
river is in the present county of Smythe about three miles 
east of the town of Marion. Colonel Campbell removed ta 
Knox county, Kentucky, where he died in 1816 in the 74th 
year of his age. Howe's Virginia, p. 503; Moore's Diary of 
the Revolution, vol. ii, p. 372; Campbell's History of Vir- 
ginia, p. 690; Bishop Meade's Virginia, vol. i, p. 153. 

The Caughnawag as pages 52 and 105. 

An ancient tribe of the Mohawks in the interest of the 
French, who early in the last century induced them to re- 
move from New York, and settle at the rapids of St. Louia 
near Montreal. Doc. Hist, of New York, vol. i, p. 27; Col- 

Illustrative Notes. 173 

den's Hist, of the Five Nations, vol. ii, p. 121 ; New York Col. 
Hist., vol. vii, p. 15; Hist. Mag., vol. x, p. 321. Called the 
Praying Indians. New York Col. Hist., vol. v } pp. 728, 753. 

Cuyahoga page 56. 

Ka-ih-ogh-ha. River, in the Mohawk tongue. Vacab. in 
Am. Abor. Arch., vol. Hi. 

Carrying place page 56. 

The old Indian Portage Path between the Tuscarawas 
branch of the Muskingum river, and the Cuyahoga, in Port- 
age and Coventry townships in the present county of Sum- 
mit. It was about eight miles in length. On the Maps of 
Evans and Hutchins it is laid down "1 mile Portage. ' 

Rapids page 57. 

The falls of the Cuyahoga river in Summit county four 
miles north-east of Akron. The descent is about 200 feet in 

Little Lake page 57. 

One of the numerous Beaver Ponds on the head waters of 
the Mahoning no doubt much diminished in extent since the 
clearing of the forest, and the drainage of the land. It may 
be found however in the southern part of Mahoning county. 

Johnson's Mohawks page 69. 

Sir "William Johnson, Superintendent of the affairs of the 
Six Nations, and other Northern Indians. The Mohawks 
adopted him as a member of their nation, with the rank of 
war chief, in 1746. He resided near the Mohawk villages at 
Johnstown, now in Fulton county, New York. Stone's Life 
of Sir Wm. Johnson, vol. i, p. 209. 

174 Appendix. 

Great River page 79. 
The Ottawa. 

Falls of Sandusky-^ page 84. 

Rapids at Fremont, Sandusky county, Ohio. 

Prairies page 85. 

Formerly known as the Sandusky plains; now within the 
counties of Crawford, Wyandot, Marion, and Hardin. Kil- 
bourne's Ohio Gazetteer; Hough and Bourne's large Map of 
Ohio, 1816; Map in the first vol. of the Transactions of the 
Am. Antiq. Society. 

Portage page 86. 

By the Sandusky, Sciota, and Ohio rivers lay the route of 
the Indians of Detroit and Lake Huron when going to war 
with the Catawbas and other southern tribes. "They ascend 
the Sandusquet river two or three days, after which they 
make a small portage, a fine road of about a quarter of a 
league. Some make canoes of elm bark, and float down a 
small river [the Sciota] that empties into the Ohio. ' ' Memoir 
of Vaudreuil, Governor of Canada, to the Council of Marine, 
from Quebec, October 30, 1718, Paris Documents, New York 
Col. Hist., vol. ix, p. 868; Pownall's Top. Disc, of North 
America, p. 42, and map. "Through these rivers lies the 
most common pass from Canada to the Ohio and Mississippi." 
Morse's Am. Gazetteer of 1798, p. 497; Kilbourne's Ohio 
Gazetteer for 1817, p. 60; Carey's Atlas for 1812. This once 
important portage extended from the site of Garrett's Mill, 
near the village of "Wyandot, on the Sandusky river, in "Wyan- 
dot county ; thence south, about four miles on a ridge, through 
part of Dallas township in Crawford county, to the north 
branch of the Little Sciota near Swinnerton, on the Old Fort 

Illustrative Notes. 175 

Ball and Columbus road in Grand Prairie township, Marion 
county. The length of the portage varied according to the 
stage of water. It was known as the ' ' Four Mile Cross. ' ' In 
high water the north branch of the Little Sciota could be 
navigated by canoes to a point about a mile distant from Gar- 
rett's Mill, on the Sandusky. A cut has been made through 
the ridge about half a mile east from the village of Wyan- 
dot, by which the waters of both streams are united. [Notes 
to the writer from S. R. Harris,, Esq., of Bucyrus, and Wm. 
Brown, Esq., of Springfield.] Mr. Brown settled near Wyan- 
dot in 1826, and surveyed the Wyandot Indian Reservation 
for the U. S. Government. 

The Ollentangy pages 87 and 99. 

By a law of the Legislature of Ohio, passed in 1833, "to 
restore the Indian names to certain streams" this name is 
incorrectly given to the Whetstone, the eastern affluent of the 
Sciota, the Delaware Indian name of which was Keenhong- 
she-con-sepung, or Whetstone creek, in English. John Brick- 
ell's Narrative in American Pioneer, vol. i, p. 55. Brickell 
had been a prisoner with the Delawares, in Ohio, for over 
four years. He spoke their language as well as his own. He 
resided in Columbus from 1797 until his death in July, 1844. 
The narrative is reprinted in Martin's History of Franklin 
County (Columbus, 1858), omitting the part relative to the 
Whetstone. Big Darby creek, which rises in Logan county 
and flowing south-east empties into the west side of the Sciota 
in Pickaway county, opposite Circleville, is the real Ollen- 
tangy; this is clearly evident from Smith's description of his 
route from the Sandusky portage to that stream, and of the 
country between it and the waters of the Miami (or Mad 
river) . 

176 Appendix. 


The "very large Prairie" is now embraced within the 

counties of Madison, Clarke, Champaign, Fayette, Pickaway, 
and Greene, between Darby creek and Mad river. See Hough 
and Bourne's large Map of Ohio, published in 1816; also 
Kilbourne and Bourne's Map, of 1820, in Arch. Amer., vol. 
i; Kilbourne's Gazetteer of Ohio, for 1819, p. 61. 

Little Lake pages, 50, 100, etc. 

Sandusky bay. It is about twenty miles long and from one 
to four miles wide. It was formerly "termed by the inhab- 
itants the Little Lake." Broivn's Views on Lake Erie, 1814, 
p. 73. 

Sa-undustee, water, in the Wyandot tongue. Gallantin's 
Synopsis and Vocab. in vol. ii, of the Trans, of the Am. Antiq. 
Soc., p. 332 ; see also vol. i, p. 295. By changing the pronun- 
ciation the meaning of this and other words in the Wyandot 
language, expressing proper names, varied. Sah-un-dus-kee, 
clear water. Sa-anduste, or water within water pools. 
John Johnston, in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., vol. i, p. 297; J. 
M. Roots' Address; Fire. Lands Pioneer, vol. iv, for June, 
1863, p. 21. The latter signification is peculiarly applicable 
to Sandusky bay and the extensive marshes on its borders, 
which are intersected in many directions by pools and chan- 
nels of open water. 

Colonel Grant pages 102-3. 

Grant's defeat and capture took place on the 14th day of 
September, 1758. He was a Major General in the British 
service during the American Revolution. He was promoted 
to the rank of Lieutenant General in 1782, and General in 
1796, and died "very old," at his seat at Ballendallock, near 
Elgin in Scotland, about the 13th of May, 1806. Biog. Sketch 

Illustrative Notes. 177 

in N. Y. Col. Hist., vol. x, p. 903. The court house in Pitts- 
burg, fronting on Grant street, stands near the western ex- 
tremity of the once beautiful eminence called "Grant's Hill," 
which long since has been graded and covered with build- 

Susquehannah Campaign page 107. 

In September and October, 1763, the Indian villages de- 
stroyed stood on the Great Island and on the banks of the 
Susquehannah river, in the present counties of Clinton and 
Lycoming. Gordon's Hist, of Penn., p. 399; Sculls' Map, 
1770; Howells' Map, 1792. 

Gen. Bouquet's Campaign pages 107-8. 

The hostages were fourteen in number; two Mingoes, six 
Delawares, and six Shawnees. Only the latter escaped on 
the way to Fort Pitt. The others being unconfined afterward 
disappeared., excepting three. The prisoners held by the 
Shawnees were collected during the winter and brought to 
Fort Pitt (in May, 1765), where five hundred and seventy- 
one chiefs and warriors (besides women and children), as- 
sembled and held a friendly conference with Major Murray 
and the officers of the garrison. The treaty made with Gen. 
Bouquet the preceding November at the Muskingum was 
formally ratified. One hundred and nineteen Shawnee war- 
riors were present. Journal of George Croghan, in Col. Rec., 
vol. ix, p. 250 to 264; Hist. Account of Bouquet's Expedi- 
tion, p. 88 ; Id. p. 239. 

Katepacomen (or Simon Girty), was one of the Delaware 
hostages. Col. Rec.. vol. ix, p. 228. It appears that upon 

one occasion, during the campaign, the Shawnees selected 



James Smith to represent them. Journal of Gen. Bouquet, 
Col. Eec., vol. ix, p. 219. 

In 1764 Colonel Bouquet erected a brick redoubt as an ad- 
dition to Fort Pitt. It is yet standing, and used for a dwell- 
ing house. The stone tablet in the wall, bearing the inscrip- 
tion, Coll. Bouquet, A. D. 1764, has been removed recently and 
placed in the wall of the new city hall. This redoubt is the 
only relic of British dominion in the Ohio valley. 

The governor and council of Pennsylvania, uncertain of 
the consequences of the escape of the Shawnee hostages, de- 
ferred proclaiming the Indian trade opened according to the 
royal proclamation of October 7th, 1763, until notified by Sir 
"William Johnson that a general peace had been concluded 
with the "Western Indians. Proceed, of Council, Jan. 21, 
1765; Col Rec., vol. ix, p. 239. At the conferences at the 
Muskingum and Fort Pitt the Indians expressed their anxiety 
for the beginning of trade, and were displeased when it was 
refused. Id. pp. 261, 250, 251. General Gage was anxious 
to have the trade commence, fearing the Indians would again 
resort to the French. Letters to Gov. Penn., id. p. 266, 268. 
Governor Penn's proclamation declaring the Indian trade 
opened to licensed traders was issued on June 4, 1765. 

The Conococheague settlement, now Franklin county, Penn- 
sylvania, being on the extreme frontier, suffered repeatedly 
all the horrors of Indian warfare. The settlers were Scots- 
Irish Presbyterians, who " thoug^ neglected by the royal and 
provincial governments throughout all the Indian wars sus- 
tained nearly the whole burden of defending the frontier." 
Gordon's Hist, of Penn., p. 624; Rupp's Hist, of Franklin 
Co., p. 486; Chambers' Tribute to the Scots-Irish, Letters, p. 
88; Parkman's Pontiac, chap. xxiv. "Declaration and re- 
monstrance of the distressed and bleeding frontier inhabi- 

Illustrative Notes. 179 

tants of the province of Pennsylvania." Pamphlet, Feb. 13, 
1764. "Two hundred miles of an extended frontier all so 
exposed to the incursions of the Indians, that no man can go 
to sleep within ten or fifteen miles of the border without 
danger of having his house burned and himself and family 
scalped or led into captivity before the next morning. ' ' Let- 
ter in Gordon's Penn., p. 624. 

The policy of the governor and the commander-in-chief, 
Gage, was not understood or appreciated by the people of the 
frontier, and they determined on their only preventive course. 
Their leader was James Smith, who (says Chambers, Tribute, 
p. 82) was "a man of resolution, of indomitable courage, and 
inflexible from any purpose which he deemed necessary for 
the safety of the inhabitants." 

His family were prominent in the county from its earliest 
settlement. "Smith's," now Mercersburg, "was in early " 
days an important place for trade with the Indians and set- 
tlers on the Western frontier." Eupp's Hist, of Franklin 
Co., p. 475. 

The traders' goods were destroyed, as related in the narra- 
tive and in a letter from Colonel Reid commanding the dis- 
trict of Fort Pitt. Col. Eec., vol. ix, p. 269. 

The convoy was in charge of Captain Robert Callender, 
an old trader. It consisted of eighty-one horse loads, sixty- 
three of which were destroyed. 

The affair caused a great sensation throughout the province. 
The goods, valued at 3,000, belonged to Baynton, Wharton 
and Morgan, who alleged they were destined for the Illinois 
and to be stored at Fort Pitt. See Letters of Sir Wm. John- 
son to Gov. Penn, Penn. Arch., vol. iv, pp. 216, 226. 

He "greatly disapproved" of the course of the traders id 
forwarding their goods before the trade was opened. 

180 Appendix. 

General Gage was likewise "of the opinion" that "the 
traders had hopes of getting first to market by stealing up 
their goods before the trade was legally permitted." Penn. 
Arch., vol. iv, p. 215. During this summer traders' goods 
were not allowed to go forward without a pass from William 
or James Smith. The following is a copy of one from Penn. 
Arch., vol. iv, p. 220 : 

"As the Sidling hill volunteers have already inspected these 
goods, and as they are all private property, it is expected that 
none of these brave fellows will molest them upon the road, 
as there is no Indian supplies amongst them. Given under 
my lia-nd, May 15, 1765. 

"(Signed) JAS. SMITH." 

The governor by the advice of the council, on Jan. 15, 
1766, removed William Smith from the magistracy, and di- 
rected the chief justice to issue a writ for the apprehension 
of James. Letter of Gov. Penn to Gen. Gage, Col. Rec., vol. 
ix, pp. 293, 297; Rupp's Hist, of Bedford Co., p. 510. It does 
not appear that any attempt was ever made to execute the 
writ, although it was issued to the sheriff of Cumberland 

Sideling Hill page 109. 

A low ridge of the Allegheny mountains in Fulton county. 
The foot of the hill is about sixteen miles east of the town 
of Bedford. The road across it, seven miles in length, is well 
remembered by travellers as tedious, and often dangerous. 

Affairs at Fort London page 110. 

Lieutenant Charles Grant of the 42d Highland regiment 
commanded at Fort London. The following characteristic 
letter was sent to him by Smith : 

Illustrative Notes. 181 

Smith's Run, June 19, 1765. 

Sir: The arms that are detained in London you may keep 
them, keep them, keep them! I am, etc., 

Arch., vol. iv, p. 229. 

In November, Lieutenant Grant having taken more arms 
from the country people, and being ordered to Fort Pitt to 
compel a surrender of the guns, the riflemen headed by Smith 
besieged Fort Loudon for two days and nights, so closely, 
that no one was permitted to go in or out of it. Firing was 
kept up "upon all corners of the fort, so that the centrys 
could not stand upright on the bastions." No one was hurt 
on either side. On the 10th of November the guns were sur- 
rendered to the custody of Win. McDowell "until the gov- 
ernor's pleasure respecting them should be known." The 
arms were "five rifles and four smooth bored guns." Letters 
and Depos. of Lt. Chas. Grant and others; Penn. Arch., vol. 
iv, pp. 220 to 248. 

Peace with the Indians page 113. 

Sir William Johnston made peace with the Ohio Indians, 
Mingoes, Shawnees, and Delawares, at Johnston Hall, July 
13, 1765. New York Col. Hist., vol. vii, p. 754. 

Tennessee page 114. 

This exploration by Colonel Smith and his companions was, 
with the single exception of that of Henry Scaggins, a hunter, 
the first ever made of the country west of the Cumberland 
mountains in Tennessee by any of the Anglo-Saxon race. 
Ramsay's Annals of Tenn., p. 70; Haywood's Civil Hist, of 
Tenn., p. 77. 

182 Appendix. 

Fort Chisselpage 118. 

Fort Chiswell was built by Colonel Byrd and his regiment 
from Virginia in 1758; he stationed a garrison in it. Hay- 
wood, p. 28. It stood about nine miles east of the present 
town of Wytheville in Wythe county. Howe's Virginia, p. 
514, 515; Madison's Map of Virg.; see Table of Distances in 
Poulson's Am. Almanac for 1789. 

Indians and Traders page 119. 

Letters in the Pennsylvania Gazette, from Fort Pitt, dated 
July 26 and 28, 1769, mention the great probability of an- 
other war ; ' ' the Indians are so insolent, robbing houses, steal- 
ing horses, and threatening the inhabitants." Penn. Gaz. 
for Aug. 17, 1769 ; Id. Aug. 31, 1769 ; Id. Oct. 5, 1769. 

Traders' goods destroyed page 119. 

Captain Robert Callender was the principal sufferer by the 
destruction of traders' goods at the crossings of the Juniata 
in Bedford county in August, 1769. He afterward applied 
to the legislature for relief, stating his losses at near 600. 
Petition, March 6, 1775; Assembly Journals, p. 575. 

Affray near Bedford pages 121 to 130. 

Smith was committed to the jail in Carlisle on the 22d of 
September, 1769, charged with shooting John Johnston on 
the 20th of the same month. A large body of armed men 
assembled to rescue him fearing (they said) he would be 
taken to Philadelphia for trial. Col. John Armstrong, the 
Rev. John Steel, and other leading citizens, endeavored to 
dissuade them from their purpose, while the magistrates as- 
sisted the sheriff in raising a guard to defend the jail. Smith 
sent his intended rescuers "a candid letter declaring his de- 

Illustrative Notes. 183 

sire to have a trial by the laws of his country, begging them 
to return home," etc. They did not desist, however, until from 
the windows of the prison he "begged them in a solemn man- 
ner to return, and to shed no innocent blood;" this, with as- 
surances that the prisoner should be tried in the county and 
not elsewhere, turned them reluctantly from their design. 
Letter from Carlisle, Sept. 24, 1769, in the Penn. Gazette for 
Oct. 5. 

Commissioner of Bedford and Westmoreland Counties 

page 130. 

Colonel Smith had removed to his land on Jacob's creek, 
a branch of the Youghiogheny, then in Bedford county, which 
was erected in 1771, and included all of the Western part 
of the province. From Bedford, Westmoreland county was 
formed in 1773 ; it embraced within its limits all of the prov- 
ince west of the Laurel Hill. This territory was claimed by 
Virginia, whose jurisdiction over it the governor, Lord Dun- 
more, attempted by violent measures to enforce. Fort Pitt 
was seized by a band of armed partizans, headed by Captain 
John Connolly, and its name changed to Fort Dunmore. New 
counties were formed from which delegates were sent to the 
Virginia legislature. Justices and other civil officers were 
commissioned by the authorities of Virginia. Court-houses 
were erected and Virginia courts regularly held within the 
limits of the present counties of Allegheny and Washington 
in Pennsylvania. The people were divided in their allegi- 
ance; arrests, counter-arrests, and other violent acts, fre- 
quently occurred during this seven years ' contest. The break- 
ing out of the Revolutionary war in 1775 and a recommenda- 
tion by Congress on the subject abated the civil strife. The 
controversy ended in 1780 by mutual agreement between the 

184 Appendix. 

two states, Virginia yielding her claims to the disputed ter- 
ritory. The completion of Mason and Dixon's line in 1784, 
permanently settled the boundary. Penn. Arch., vol. iv, pp. 
435 to 633; Penn. Col. Eec., vol. x, pp. 140 to 240; Hist, of 
Mason and Dixon's line, by James Veech, Pittsburg, 1857; 
Eeport of the Surveyor General for 1865, Harrisburg, 1866. 

For three years of these turbulent times James Smith was 
one of the commissioners of Westmoreland county; Governor 
John Penn doubtless was glad to have an adherent of his 
ability and energetic character, and quite willingly over- 
looked past differences. On the 8th of April, 1774, Joseph 
Beeler and James Smith, commissioners, addressed a com- 
munication to the governor stating "their disagreeable situa- 
tion owing to the present disturbances," and that "the 
greater part of the people in the back parts of the county 
absolutely refuse to pay their taxes or serve in the office of 
collector." They further allude to the "disturbances of the 
court by a number of armed men," and ask "his honor's ad- 
vice and assistance," assuring him "that every step shall be 
taken in their power for the benefit and advantage of the 
province." Penn. Arch., vol. iv, p. 487. 

In February, 1775, Smith was arrested and "bound over 
to answer the court of Virginia, before Dorsey Pentecost, one 
of their justices," who also issued "precepts" for the arrest 
of the sheriff and other Pennsylvania officers, saying "they 
were imposters on the government and dominion of Virginia, 
and he would have them confined." Deposition of James 
Smith; Arch., vol. iv, p. 610 ; Col. Eec., vol. x, p. 235. 

Another Indian War, 1774 page 130. 

This was known as Dunmore's war. It ended with the de- 
feat of the Indians at Point Pleasant, October 10, 1774. 

Illustrative Notes. 185 

Indians' Attack pages 134, 135. 

The date of the year in the narrative is erroneous, it should 
be 1777. "I have sent five Indian scalps taken by one of our 
scouting party, commanded by Colonel Barr, Colonel Perry, 
Colonel Smith, and Captain Hinkston, being volunteers in the 
action. The action happened near Kittaning, they retook six 
horses the savages had taken from the suffering frontiers. ' ' 
Extract of Letter from Arch. Lochry to President Wharton, 
dated at "Westmoreland, ye 6th December," 1777; Penn* 
Arch., vol. vi, p. 69. 

French Creek Expedition page 135. 

Philadelphia, March 20, 1786. 

Comptroller General's reports upon the following accounts 
read and approved, viz. : Of Captain John Woods for pay of 
his company of Westmoreland county militia, commanded by 
Colonel Smith under orders from General Mclntosh, and for 
arms lost on the expedition. 

Of Captain John Kyle, for pay of his company employed 
on the said expedition. 

Of Colonel James Smith, for pay of the militia of West- 
moreland county, under his command, employed on the 
French creek expedition in 1778. Col. Rec., vol. xiv, p. 662. 

General Mclntosh page 135. 

Brigadier General Lachlan Mclntosh of the Continental 
army succeeded General Hand in command of the Western 
district; (head quarters at Fort Pitt) in May, 1778. In Oc- 
tober following he built Fort Mclntosh, "upon the Indian 
side of the Ohio river" (where the town of Beaver now 
stands,) and in November and December erected Fort 

186 Appendix. 

Laurens on the west bank of the Tuscarawas river, half a 
mile below the present town of Bolivar, Tuscarawas county, 
Ohio. Penn. Arch., vol. vi, pp. 467, 564, 646 ; vol. vii, p. 132 ; 
Id. vol. xii, pp. 382, 400; Herring's Nat. Port. Gall, vol. Hi; 
Howe's Ohio Hist. Col, p. 488. 



Adams, George, 120. 

Appalachian Mountains, 114. 

Armstrong, General John, 108, 156, 161, 167, 182. 

Baker, William, 115. 

Barr, Colonel, 185. 

Bear, 33. 

Beaver, Transformation, 58; habits, 60. 

Bedford, affray near, 123, 182. 

Big Beaver River, 67. 

Big Darby Creek, 175. 

Black boys, 121, 179. 

Black River, 170. 

Boundary. Va. and Penn. 184. 

Bouquet, General. Expedition into Ohio, 109, 153, 155, 177. 

Bourbon County, Ky. 139. 

Braddock, General. Indians prepare to attack, 11; return with 

prisoners, 12; defeat, 153, 156, 157. 
Braddock's Road, 5, 164. 
Bradstreet, General, 155, 157. 
Buffalo, 21. 
Buffalo Lick, 21, 168. 
Burd, Colonel James, 164. 
Burgoyne, General. Defeat, 158. 

Caldwell, Rev. James, vl. 

Callender, Captain Robert, 179, 182. 

Campbell, Colonel Arthur, 49, 172. 

Campbell, George. Song, 112. 

Canesadooharie River, 25, 39, 40, 56, 170. 

Carlisle, 124. 

Caughnewaga, 106. 

Cuyahoga River, 43, 56, 72, 74, 76, 173. 

Cherokee River, 114. 

Chillicothe, "Upper" and "Old," 168. 

Clark, General G. R. 157. 

Connolly, Captain John, 183. 

Conococheague, 5, 107, 109, 120, 178. 

Crawford, Colonel, 153, 157. 

Croghan, George, 164, 169. 

Cumberland River, 115. 

Deny, William, 128. 
Detroit, 49, 76, 79, 103, 106. 
Duffleld, William, 110, 135. 
Dunmore, Lord, 157, 168, 183, 184. 


188 Index. 

Edwards, Colonel, 157. 
Elk, 20. 

Elliott, Robert, 135. 
Elliott, S. B. xi. 

Forbes, General, 103, 156. 

Fort Bedford, 120, 123. 

Fort Chissel, 120, 182. 

Fort Dunmore, 183. 

Fort Du Quesne, 6, 7, 103, 105, 165. 

Fort Laurens, 185. 

Fort Loudon, 5, 104, 111, 153, 164, 180. 

Fort Mclntosh, 185. 

Fort Pitt, 137, 153, 177, 183. 

Fox, 38. 

French Creek, 136, 138, 185. 

Gage, General, 178. 

Garrett's Mill, 174. 

Geese, 58, 84. 

George, Robert, 127. 

Girty, Simon, 177. 

Gist, Christopher, 169. 

Grant, Captain Charles, 112, 180. 

Grant, Colonel, 104, 153, 176. 

Great River, 80, 174. 

Hamilton, Governor, 169. 

Handy, William, vi. 

Harmar, General, 154, 157. 

Henry, Patrick, 168. 

Hinkston, Captain John, 136, 185. 

Hoge, Jonathan, 135. 

Hogg, Captain, 165. 

Holmes, John, 127. 

Holstein River, 115. 

Hoops, Adam, 164. 

Horses, wild, 41. 

Horton, Joshua, 115. 

Howell, Jacob S. 134. 

Indian Customs: running the gauntlet, 8; adoption of whites, 14, 
167; war dance, 18; courting dance, 19; songs, 19; food, 26, 
38, 51, 140; canoes, 27; preparing skins, 29; winter cabins, 
29; bear hunting, 33; sugar making, 37, 69; trapping raccoons, 
37; fox, 38; hospitality, 43, 141; squaws at work, 45; games, 
46, 78; religion, 52, 99; tents, 53; transformation of animals, 
58, 82; speeches, 66, 92, 97; snowshoes, 67; immodesty of Jibewa 
girls, 73; swearing, 74; intemperance, 76; sweat house, 96; 
prayer, 97; fishing, 101; general habits, 140; titles, 140; court- 
ship, 141; traditions, 143; police or civil government, 149; 
marriage laws, 150; penal laws, 151; discipline, 152; mode of 
war, 153, 163. 

Indian Language: 

Ashalecoa, the great knife, 105. 
Caneheanta, hominy / 26. 

Index. 189 

"Carreyagaroona, inferior deities, 147. 
Oookhosing, habitation of owls, 167. 
Kaihoghha, river, 173. 
Maneto, the great spirit, 144. 
Matchemaneto, the evil spirit, 144. 
Ohnenata, or, Oghneanata, potatoes, 26, 171. 
Oonasahroona, the evil spirit, 75, 147. 
Oiranugo, the great spirit, 75, 145. 
Saundustee, water, 76. 
Skoharehaugo, the Dutch, 44. 
Tulhasago, the English, 82. 

Indian Tribes: 

Canasataugas, 6. 

Catawbas, 22, 169. 

Caughnewagas, 13, 39, 52, 70, 143, 147, 172. 

Delawares, 6, 10, 13, 147, 161, 166. 

Eries, 169. 

Iroquois, 169. 

Jibewas, 66, 79, 103. 

Mohawks, 70, 173. 

Mohicans, 13. 

Miamis, 169. 

Ottawas, 52, 66, 70, 79, 82, 86, 103, 143. 

Pottowatamies, 79, 103. 

Shawanees, 147. 

Twightwees, 169. 

Wiandotts, 26, 39, 44, 79, 82, 103, 143. 

Indian Traders, 109. 
Indian Town, 13, 166. 

Asallecoa (Mohawk Solomon), 17, 20, 21. 

Chinnohete, 73. 

Jacobs, Captain, 161. 

Manetehcoa, 69, 71. 

Maully, 52, 66. 

Nungamy, 88, 91, 106. 

Pipe, Captain, 167. 

Tecaughretenego, 52, 58, 65, 81, 85, 89, 95, 105, 146. 

Tecanyaterighto (or Pluggy), 17, 24, 168. 

Tontileaugo, 24, 32, 35, 40, 51, 85, 89. 

James, a mulatto boy, 115. 

Jirk, 117. 

Johnson, Sir William, 114, 171, 178, 181. 

Johnston, John, 126, 182. 

Juniata River, 121. 

Kittaning Villages, 166. 

Kyle. Captain John, 185. 

Lake Erie, 24, 26, 43, 54, 76, 172. 

Licking Summit, 168. 

Ligonier, 7, 166. 

Little Lake, 51, 58, 101, 173, 176. 

Logan, General, 157. 

Loughrie, Colonel. 154, 157. 

190 Index. 

Loyalhanna, 7. 

Lyle, Joel R. Early Kentucky printer, x, xi. 

Lyle, Rev. Joel K. xl. 

Lyon, William, 135. 

McCay, Robert, 165. 

McClane, James, 135. 

McClelland's Station, Ky. 168. 

McComb, William, 135. 

McCommon, Major James, 133. 

McCullough, John, 166. 

McDowell, William, 181. 

Mclntosh, General L. 136, 157, 185. 

McQuaid, Miss Sarah, xi. 

Miami of the Lakes, 76, 83, 175. 

Mohican Creek, 167. 

Monkton, General, 157. 

Montour, Andrew, 169. 

Montreal, 80, 106. 

Morgan, Colonel, 168. 

Morris, Governor, 164. 

Morristown, 135. 

Murray, Major, 177. 

Muskingum River, 13, 24, 43, 56, 109, 167, 173. 

Neville, John, 168. 

North Mountain, 107, 110. 

Ollentangy Creek, 87, 88, 100, 175. 
Ottawa River, 80, 174. 
Owl Creek, 167. 

Parker, Captain William, 135. 

Patton, Samuel, 135. 

Paxton, Captain Thomas, 135. 

Peebles, Lieut. Col. Robert, 135. 

Pennsylvania Gazette, 125. 

Pepper, Lieut. Col. William, 135. 

Perry, Colonel, 185. 

Piper, Colonel John, 135. 

Pluggystown, 168. 

Pollen, Henry, 109 

Portages, 171, 173, 174. 

Potomack. Indian inroad on, 24. 

Prairies, 86, 174, 176. 

Presq' Isle, 56. 

Proctor, Colonel John, 135. 

Quaker government of Penn. 107. 

Raccoons, 27, 37, 58, 83. 
Roads. Early in Penn. 5, 164. 
Robb, David, 135. 
Rocky River, 171. 
Rodgers, Margaret, vi. 
Rodgers, Rev. Dr. vi. 

St. Clair, General A. 154, 157. 
St. Clair, Sir John, 164. 

Index. 191- 

st. Lawrence River, 80, 106. 

Salt Lick, 21. 

Sandusky, 43, 85, 101, 106, 171, 174, 176. 
Savage, John, 50. 
Scaggins, Henry, 181. 
Scioto River, 21, 86, 100, 106, 174, 175. 
Shakers in Ohio. Smith's tracts on, x. 
Sideling Hill, 110, 170, 180. 

SMITH, COLONEL JAMES. Birth, v; capture, v, 6, 165; first marriage, 
vi, 107; family, vi; second marriage, vi; affection for his first 
wife, vii; removal to Kentucky, viii; character, viii; elected 
representative, viii; ordained, viii; visit to Shakers, ix; pub- 
lishes tracts against them, ix; publishes work on Indian war- 
fare, x; death, x; taken prisoner to Fort DuQuesne, 7; runs 
the gauntlet, 8; witnesses preparations lor the attack on Brad- 
dock, 11; and arrival of the prisoners, 12; taken to Tullihas, 
13; cerejnony of adoption^ 14-17; hunts with the Indians, 20; 
is lost and reduced to Tx>w and arrows, 24; starts for Lake 
Erie with his adopted brother Tontileago, 24; reaches Canesa- 
doharie, 26; loses his books, 28; make their winter cabin, 29; 
bear hunting, 33; sugar making, 36; recoverjs^his book*, 39; 
chase after horses, 41; arrive at SunyenHeand744; meet Arthur 
Campbell. 49; adopted by Tecaughretanego, 52; at Cuyahoga, 
56; to Beaver Creek, 58; lost again, 62; his jecepiio_n_jan-his 
return, f>f>: alarm, TO; conjuring;, 71; back to Cuyahoga. 72-76; 
on the lake to Fort Detroit, 72; a big drunk, 76; return to 
Ohio, 85; winter at headwaters of Sandusky and Scioto, 87; 
on the Ollentangy, 88; starvation, 90; tempted fo escape, 93; 
returns, 94; goes to Sunyendeand, 101; to Detroit, 106; to 
Caughnewaga, 106; escapes and returns home, v, 107; appointed 
Captain of Rangers, 108; ensign in the regular servtbe, 108; 
joins Bouquet's expedition as Lieutenant, 109; leader of the 
Black boys, 110; releases prisoners from Fort Loudon, 112; 
excursion into Tennessee, 114-120; adventure as leader of the 
Black boys, 121-123; captured and imprisoned, 123; trial 
and release, 131; commissioner, 131, 183; with Washing- 
ton's army in New Jersey, 132; recommendations, 133, 134; 
receives Colonel's commission, 136; expedition to French Creek, 
136, 185; settles in Kentucky, 139. 

His family. Jonathan, vi; William, vi, viii; James, vi, viii, ix; 
Robert, vi, vii, viii, x; Jane,.vi; Elizabeth, vi; Rebecca, vi, viii. 

Smith, James, 115, 125. 
Smith, Rev. J. M. vii, xi. 

Smith, William, Commissioner of Roads, 5, 164; letter to Penn- 
sylvania Gazette, 125. 

Smith's Road, 165. 
Snakes, 58, 83. 
Snow Shoes, 67. 
South Mountain, 107. 
Stanwick, General, 156. 
Steele, Rev. John, 182. 

192 Index. 

Stobo, Captain, 167. 

Stone, Uriah, 115. 

Stone River, Tennessee, 115. 

Sunyendeand, 44, 49, 101, 171. 

Susquehanna Campaign, 108, 177. 

Tennessee River, 115, 181. 

Thompson, Anthony, 165. 

Thomson, Mr. a pioneer, 102. 

Thomson, William, 121. 

Todd, Colonel, 154. 

Traders' goods destroyed, 101, 120, 182. 

Tullehas, 13, 167. 

Verses composed by Colonel Smith, 117. 
Vigoras, Andrew, killed by the Indians, 6, 165. 
Virginia, Indian raid on, 47, 49. 

Walhonding Creek, 167. 
Washington, General, 132, 135. 
Whetstone Creek, 175. 
Whitewoman's Creek, 167. 
Wilkinson, General, 157. 
Wilson, Anne, wife of Col. Smith, vl. 
Wolfe, General, 106. 
Wood, Captain John, 185. 
Wyandott Village, 174. 

Youghiogheny River, 5, 123. 
Zeisberger, 168. 




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